Company Finds Clinton Useful, and Vice Versa
By MIKE McINTIRE and RAYMOND HERNANDEZ
04/12/06 "New
York Times" -- -- Corning Inc., one of upstate New
York's largest and oldest employers, has supported Republican
candidates for so long that its chairman once joked that it had
not raised money for a Democrat since 1812.
But since Hillary Rodham Clinton was elected to the Senate in
2000, Corning and its mainly Republican executives have become
one of her largest sources of campaign contributions. And in
that time, Mrs. Clinton has become one of the company's leading
champions, delivering for it like no other Democratic lawmaker.
In April 2003, a month after Corning's political action
committee gave $10,000 to her re-election campaign, Mrs. Clinton
announced legislation that would provide hundreds of millions in
federal aid to reduce diesel pollution, using, among other
things, technology pioneered by Corning. It was one of several
Congressional initiatives Mrs. Clinton has pushed that benefit
the company.
And in April 2004, Mrs. Clinton began a push to persuade the
Chinese government to relax tariffs on Corning fiber optics
products, inviting the Chinese ambassador to her office and
personally asking President Bush for help in the matter. One
month after the beginning of that ultimately successful effort,
Corning's chairman, James Houghton, held a fund-raiser at his
home that collected tens of thousands of dollars for her
re-election campaign.
It is part of a senator's job description to help a major
employer in his or her home state, and it is not unusual for
that employer to encourage that help or to reciprocate with
campaign contributions. In Mrs. Clinton's case, her alliance
with Corning provides a window into how she has used her
singular clout as a former first lady on behalf of new
constituents in her adopted home state, and how those efforts in
turn have helped her to bolster her already powerful
fund-raising machine and win over previously skeptical New
Yorkers.
Indeed, her work on behalf of Corning began even before company
officials had made a single contribution to her as a senator.
"She's there when you need her," said Amo Houghton, a former
Republican congressman and the brother of Corning's chairman.
Mrs. Clinton, who is running for re-election this year, has been
cultivating leaders in upstate communities like Corning, in
central New York, hoping to exceed her 2000 results, including
those in Republican strongholds, to demonstrate that she has
appeal beyond her traditional base, Democrats and her associates
say.
Corning has proved doubly helpful on that front. The company and
its employees contributed $137,000 from the time she was elected
in 2000 through the end of 2005. Although it was a small portion
of the $33 million the senator raised for her re-election during
that time, it was the most from any single source other than
MetLife — more even than politically active Wall Street firms
like Goldman Sachs. In addition, Corning twice paid for her to
travel upstate to be briefed on issues important to the company
and the region.
Beyond financial support, Corning has also defended Mrs. Clinton
against upstate critics. When, for instance, The Buffalo News
suggested in 2003 that she was failing to win over local
leaders, Corning's vice chairman, James B. Flaws, sent a letter
to the paper listing ways she had helped the company and its
region.
"She has delivered and continues to deliver for us," Mr. Flaws
wrote.
The Clinton-Corning alliance is so new and unexpected that John
W. Loose, who retired as Corning's chief executive in 2002,
after 38 years, reacted in disbelief when told of the company's
contributions to her campaign after he left.
"No kidding?" said Mr. Loose, who raised money for Mrs.
Clinton's Republican opponent, Rick Lazio, in 2000. "I'm really
surprised to hear that. Very surprised. A lot of the executives
there were Republicans. There were only a handful of Democrats."
Corning's support of Mrs. Clinton stands in contrast to its less
enthusiastic backing of other Democrats, including New York's
senior senator, Charles E. Schumer. While contributing $51,000
to Mrs. Clinton in 2004, Corning employees gave $5,000 to Mr.
Schumer that year — even though he was running and she was not.
And its political action committee gave $10,000 to Mrs.
Clinton's Democratic predecessor, Daniel Patrick Moynihan,
during the 1990's.
Like her husband, Mrs. Clinton has been closely scrutinized for
her aggressive fund-raising. Her spokesman said that she takes
pride in helping a company that is a major employer upstate. "A
relationship that began with glass is now a bond as strong as
steel," said the spokesman, Philippe Reines, referring to
Corning's origins as a glass maker.
"Corning, in upstate New York, whom I'm privileged to represent,
has come through tough times and thrived," Mrs. Clinton said in
remarks last summer at the Aspen Institute, discussing the
challenges American manufacturers face.
Corning, a Fortune 500 company, has 26,000 employees worldwide,
and its major presence upstate is one of the bright spots of an
economically battered region. The company makes glassware and
ceramics used in fiber optics, diesel emission controls and
liquid crystal displays.
Its contributions to Mrs. Clinton often tracked her support for
the company, records show. Their mutual support started small,
but grew in significance, and dollars, over time.
In early 2002, at the company's urging, Mrs. Clinton helped
secure $5 million for a program that would provide federal
grants to help school districts overhaul diesel-powered school
buses by using a kind of ceramic-filter technology that Corning
was beginning to market.
During the 2000 Senate campaign, Corning's political action
committee gave $3,000 to Mrs. Clinton, compared with $9,000 for
Mr. Lazio, the Republican. But in March 2003, the company gave
$10,000 to Mrs. Clinton. A month later, she announced a measure
that would provide hundreds of millions of dollars in additional
federal money to reduce school bus diesel emissions.
In another initiative, Mrs. Clinton played a key role in
persuading Congress to provide millions to state and local
governments to upgrade other kinds of diesel-powered vehicles,
said Conrad Schneider, advocacy director for the Clean Air Task
Force, a nonprofit environmental group that lobbied for the
legislation along with Corning and other companies.
"She was really using shoe leather, making member contact,
convening meetings and that sort of thing," Mr. Schneider said.
But it was Mrs. Clinton's work on the Chinese tariff dispute
that helps explain why Corning might have sought her assistance
to begin with. Though a junior senator, Mrs. Clinton apparently
used her status as former first lady and high-profile senator
not only to intercede with Chinese officials, but also to prod
President Bush himself to help the company.
The dispute began in early 2004 when the Chinese Commerce
Ministry announced a preliminary decision to impose a 16 percent
duty on Corning fiber optics products, saying Corning had
deliberately undercut Chinese manufacturers.
Corning appealed to Mrs. Clinton for help, and in April 2004 she
reached out to the Chinese minister of trade when he visited
Washington. In a strongly worded letter, Mrs. Clinton asserted
that the issue was "of great importance to me," that she held
Corning in "high esteem" and that she considered the accusations
against the company "unfair," according to a copy of the letter.
That month and the next, Corning executives contributed $46,000
to her campaign committee, campaign finance records show.
Next, Mrs. Clinton invited the Chinese ambassador to her Capitol
Hill office, where she again stressed the issue's significance
to her, said a person with direct knowledge of the exchange, who
spoke on the condition of anonymity, citing the private nature
of the conversation. The ambassador agreed to take that message
to his superiors in Beijing, the person said.
Finally, in November, Mrs. Clinton pulled President Bush aside
during the opening of her husband's presidential library in
Arkansas to press Corning's case. "She explained the issue and
she asked the president to be personally involved," the person
said.
Mr. Bush told her he would look into the matter, aides to Mrs.
Clinton said. The United States trade representative's office
and the Department of Commerce also pressed the Chinese to lift
the tariff. By December, the Chinese government had reversed its
decision and lifted the duty. Corning officials credited Mrs.
Clinton's work with making a difference.
"Her ability to reach out in Washington and outside Washington —
I mean, she's the former first lady of the United States," said
Timothy J. Regan, the senior vice president of worldwide
government affairs at Corning. "No question that her involvement
helped move things."
It is difficult to assess how much Mrs. Clinton influenced the
Chinese. Corning took other steps to press its complaint,
including hiring Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld, an influential
Washington lobbying firm, which assigned a former undersecretary
of commerce to the case.
A lawyer in China who represented Corning before the Chinese
Commerce Ministry, John Yong Ren, declined to comment.
Former President Bill Clinton has made several visits to China
since leaving office, taking part in AIDS symposiums and giving
paid speeches to Chinese businesses. But Senator Clinton's aides
said her husband was not involved in the Corning matter.
What is indisputable is that China's decision to rescind the
tariff came at a critical juncture for Corning, company
officials said. The collapse of the telecommunications boom of
the 1990's caused Corning's revenue to drop to $3 billion in
2003, from $6.9 billion in 2000, heightening its need for new
markets for its pollution control technology and fiber optics
products.
That explains why the company has become one of Mrs. Clinton's
biggest supporters, Mr. Regan said.
"When you are down and somebody gives you a hand," he said, "you
have to remember that."
Copyright 2006 The New York Times Company
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