Michael Hudson
[Intro/Music]: America cannot
re-industrialize without reversing this
whole philosophy of post-industrial society
as a class war against labor. You can’t have
both. You can’t have a class war against
labor and reindustrialization with the labor
unionization that goes with it.
Countries who let an
oligarchy develop end up pushing their own
economies into obsolescence and a kind of
dark age. It’s policy, and most of all, it’s
the policy of the Democratic Party’s
administration here.
[00:01:35] Geoff
Ginter [Intro/Music]: Now, let’s see if
we can avoid the apocalypse altogether.
Here’s another episode of Macro N Cheese
with your host, Steve Grumbine.
[00:01:43] Steven
Grumbine: All right. This is Steve with
Macro N Cheese. Today’s guest is none other
than Michael Hudson. Michael Hudson’s the
president of the Institute for Study of
Long-Term Economic Trends (ISLET), a Wall
Street financial analyst, Distinguished
Research Professor of Economics at the
University of Missouri, Kansas City, and he
is the author of many, many books you’ve
probably read, including
Superimperialism: The Economic Strategy of
American Empire, Forgive Them Their Debts, J
is for Junk Economics, Killing The Host, The
Bubble And Beyond: Trade, Development and
Foreign Debt, amongst others. Without
further ado, I want to bring on my guest,
Michael Hudson. Michael, thank you so much
for joining me today, sir.
[00:02:26] Michael
Hudson: Good to be back.
[00:02:27]
Grumbine: Absolutely. So one of the
things that’s stressing me out, as far as
being an economic podcast and reviewing the
dialogue that is going on in the ecosphere
and lefties trying to make heads or tails of
the world around them, is watching the
fallout of decisions that the United States
have made in regards to Ukraine, China,
Russia, and this divergence into a
multipolar world. The steps that the United
States have taken appear to be shooting
themselves in the foot.
An empire that has
lost its grip on much of what it once had,
and it’s doing things that I think most
people would say are really horrible, from
war, to austerity, to using the IMF and NATO
as tools of aggression. There’s so many
aspects to the United States approach to
geopolitical relationships, that I think
most people are trying to get a grip on.
What does this mean
to them? In discussing this, before we
started this podcast, you gave us some
notes, and it was quite clear that the
United States is a failed state. I don’t
fully understand what that means, but I’m
hoping that maybe you can help us understand
why is the US a failed state and what is it
about its recent behavior?
What does it indicate
to us about where it’s headed, and what we
can expect in the future?
[00:03:58] Hudson:
Well, I think it’s a failed state because
its economy is paralyzed and we’re in a debt
deflation, an economic polarization, that is
just transferring all wealth and income away
from labor, away from industry, into really
the financial sector and what I call the
finance, insurance, and real estate sector.
And what’s failed is,
right now, President Biden says that he
wants the future to re-industrialize. He
realizes that ever since the Clinton
administration, the Democratic Party has
been solidly behind de-industrializing the
United States, and that’s actually going
back to the 1960s and early 70s when
economists were celebrating what they
called, a post-industrial society.
Well, what does a
post-industrial society mean? It meant a
society without blue collar labor, really,
service labor, which happened to be a
society without labor unions. And the
promise was that a post-industrial society
was going to make everybody richer, and
you’d have easier working conditions, and
shorter working days, and productivity would
rise, and everybody would have an easier,
more prosperous life.
Well, that hasn’t
happened, so the question is: Why did the
United States decide to de-industrialize?
And I think it was done as a combination
between two parties. You had the Democrats
with a pro-financial anti-labor policy, and
the Republicans with a pro-financial,
pro-landlord, pro-1% policy, wanting tax
cuts; and the real objective of
de-industrialization from Clinton on, was an
anti-labor policy, because
de-industrialization meant essentially
lowering employment, and thereby lowering
the demand for labor, and lowering the
wages. And the question that everyone was
asking from 1980 on was, why were wages
having to be reduced, and why are wages
lower right now? Well, for years, American
dominance, as an industrial power in the
late 19th century, was a result of low
wages, as a result of low housing costs, low
debt, free education, public services, and
this had created a very prosperous US
economy, from right after the Civil War,
down through Roosevelt’s New Deal.
But all of this began
to come under attack. Really beginning with
the Carter administration, when he was
promoting immigration as a means of cutting
wages in the southwest. It was Carter that
began to realize that, well, there’s a lot
of labor that’s making too much money in the
southwest, we’ll spur immigration.
Well, when Clinton
came in later, he wanted to deregulate the
economy and he wanted free trade, for
basically, corporations to de-invest from
the United States, and invest abroad, and
hire low wage labor. He pressed to accept
China into the World Trade Organization in
2001, and that’s basically the Democratic
Party program today, to fight against labor,
and reduce its wages, and favor Wall Street.
Obama typified this. He promised a
card-check to support unionization, and then
just refused to do it. And instead of
introducing card check, he devoted his time
to hoping to work with the Republicans, to
cut back Social Security, on the grounds
that you had to balance the budget. And by
balancing the budget, that would force the
economy to rely on private banks lending
money at interest, instead of the government
creating money to spend into the economy by
running budget deficits. Well, Biden has
topped it all off by not supporting labor
unions, as you saw during the railroad
strike, and by the Democrats having a trick
that they pull. They have some postgraduate
lady – maybe she does have a degree, as the
Parliamentarian, who, just in case the
Democrats and Congress would pass a law that
people want, the parliamentarian said, you
can’t pass that because that’s pro-labor.
And being pro-labor is against the
Constitution. Because that’s against what
the original leaders of the Constitution
meant. And you can’t pass a law favoring
blacks or hispanics, as you saw with the
Harvard case, because after all, the
original authors of the Constitution were
mostly slave owners, and they wouldn’t have
wanted any such favoritism to the blacks.
So if you’re an
originalist, of course you’re going to have
the Parliamentarian lady say, well, that’s
not really what the Supreme Court will agree
with. And of course, when it finally did get
to the Supreme Court, they said: you can’t
do this, this is not what the original
founders of the Constitution wanted and
believed.
They wanted to
enslave the blacks, not get them into
Harvard for heaven’s sakes. Well, I don’t
want to leave the Republicans out of this,
because they’ve had a kind of complementary
pro-rentier policy, favoring real estate
under Reagan, with his accelerated
depreciation. He basically made absentee
ownership and commercial real estate tax
exempt, and he slashed the taxes on wealth,
and moved away from progressive taxation to
regressive taxation.
As did Donald Trump,
and of course the Democrats have accepted
all of this. There was no attempt by the
Democrats to fight back against the
Republicans regressive taxation, and the
difference is that the Republicans have a
kind of libertarian, anti-government policy,
which is their euphemism for a government
strong enough to control the economy, and
the interests of the 1%, who are their
campaign donors.
And the Democrats are
pro-government. Namely, they want a
pro-government strong enough to defend the
1% against the rest of the economy, but they
use a different rhetoric for all of this. So
the problem is that both US political
parties are committed to
de-industrialization for the reasons that
the head of the Federal reserve has
explained over the last few months: if you
have more industrialization, you’ll have
more employment, and if you have more
employment, you’ll raise wages. And our
philosophy, Democrats and Republicans alike,
is to keep wages down so that corporate
profits can be higher. And it’s worth it to
the employing class, it’s worth it to the
corporate monopolies to impose a depression
on the United States, as long as that will
reduce wages and strengthen the power of the
1% over the 99%. So the 1% is willing to
lose sales, to lose profits, as the economy
falls into what they call a recession, as
long as their power over the 99% increases.
That’s the basic key
to understanding where American politics is
going. And this is why the Davos gang says
the world is overpopulated. Who needs labor,
when it really can’t afford to pay interest.
For the financial sector and the FIRE
sector, the 1% or the 10%, the role of labor
is to make enough earnings so that it can
pay interest to the banks, pay rents or
interest to the mortgage lenders, and can
basically pay money to the FIRE sector. And
if labor’s wages really are forced down to
break-even subsistence levels, then who
needs labor? Time for population control.
And basically the US problem is not only low
wages, but it’s tax favoritism for the FIRE
sector. And this cannot be reversed without
causing a bank crisis. Because if you were
to tax real estate and home ownership, for
instance, and commercial real estate with a
land tax, which is what the whole 19th
century’s classical economics is all about,
then the banks couldn’t get paid. So we’re
stuck. America cannot re-industrialize
without reversing this whole philosophy of
post-industrial society as a class war
against labor.
You can’t have both.
You can’t have a class war against labor and
reindustrialization, with the labor
unionization that goes with it. That’s the
conundrum. So when Biden talks about, we at
the Democratic party want to
re-industrialize, there’s no way that his
policies can possibly permit any real
re-industrialization to occur.
And that’s why
America’s stuck. That’s why it’s become a
failed state, because it can’t compete with
other countries in today’s world with this
right wing libertarian, anti-labor,
neoliberal philosophy.
[00:13:29]
Grumbine: Every time I think about this,
I get enraged. We’ve been speaking with some
abolitionists for police abolition. When we
talk to them, they explain, you’ve got it
all backwards. The police aren’t there after
the fact. They’re not there as a result of
crime. They’re there to keep order for
capital, to make sure that capital runs
smoothly.
And to extend this
out to NATO, and it does the same thing
around the world, it’s there to create
chaos, and it’s there to institute order to
facilitate these things. The US is losing
its grip on its empire, yet has the largest
military ever amassed in the history of the
world. What about that military maintains
hegemony?
And what about that
military is costing it it’s hegemony. Cuz
right now something’s outta whack. I’m all
about ripping the empire down, but that has
a whole lot of downstream dominoes that come
with it. I’m interested in your thoughts on
the role of the military industrial complex
on this failed state.
[00:14:32] Hudson:
Well, you’re using a trick word: ‘military.’
Military, for the United States, is
different from what the word ‘military’
meant in every other society from the
beginning of time. When you say military,
you think of an army fighting. You cannot
conquer a country without invading it, and
to invade it, you obviously need an army,
you need troops. But the Americans can’t
mount an army, of enough size, to occupy
anybody except Grenada, or Panama, because
the Vietnam War stopped the military draft.
What America does have, what it calls
military, is what you quite rightly linked
it to: the military industrial complex. It
makes arms. And weapons.
But again, these are
a funny kind of weapons. Suppose you had a
winery that made wine that was so good, that
really wasn’t for drinking. It was for
wealthy people to buy, and to trade. And as
the years go by, the wine would turn to
vinegar. It’s not wine for drinking. It’s
wine for making a profit, a capital gain.
Well, you can say the
same thing about America’s military arms, as
we’re seeing in Ukraine right now — or as
President Biden calls it, Iraq. The arms,
basically, are there to create a huge profit
for Raytheon, and the other companies in the
military industrial complex. They’re for
buying, and they’re for giving to the
Ukrainians, to let Russia blow them up.
But they’re not for
fighting. They’re not for winning a war.
They’re for being used up, so you have to
replace them now, with yet new buying. And
so the United States State Department has
asked Germany and other European countries,
well, you’d promised to pay 2% of your GDP
on military arms to enrich our military
industrial complex.
But now that we’ve
given all these tanks and missiles away –
Russia just blew up 12% of all the tanks in
just one week – so we only have a few weeks
left to go before they’re all wiped out.
Because they really don’t work on the
battlefield. They’re not for fighting,
they’re for being blown up. Now we want you
to actually increase your spending to 4%, to
replenish all of the stocks, you’ve just
depleted, 10 years, maybe 20 years, of your
arms stocks. And you have to now replenish
them very rapidly, in order to meet the NATO
targets, that we and the State Department,
have set. So military today isn’t really how
you control other countries. America’s found
it much easier to do this by financial
mechanisms.
You conquer a country
financially, you conquer a country by
getting it to submit to austerity programs
by the International Monetary Fund, again,
to impose austerity, to keep its local wages
down. So you use finance as a means of
imposing post-industrialization and
depression, in order to prevent democracy
from developing.
So any country that
is seeking to promote a democracy by public
spending on basic infrastructure, or
banking, like China is doing, is called an
autocracy. And every autocracy that has
imposed a client oligarchy, to fight against
labor, and to prevent these policies that
would help enrich and industrialize the
economy, is called a democracy, not an
autocracy.
So we’re back in the
Orwellian logic to describe a situation,
that probably even the cynical George
Orwell, would not have thought could go
quite this far.
[00:18:29]
Grumbine: I think about austerity all
the time. I read Clara Mattei’s book The
Capital Order: How Economists Invented
Austerity and Paved the Way to Fascism
[Clara Mattei]. And I guess my question to
you is this, given all the work that you’ve
put into the historical nature of debt and
debt jubilees and austerity, how is it when
we look at the domestic policy of the United
States, we don’t have money for healthcare,
for getting rid of student debt?
We don’t have money
to invest in universal basic services, to
provide any kind of relief. Housing as a
right, any of the basic needs, we have no
money for this, but we know as MMT, or
economically literate people, from an
understanding of state theory of money, that
the state itself creates its currency.
How in the world is
the United States able to convince people
that it doesn’t have money? And it can’t do
any of these things, while it uses every bit
of its fiscal power, that it’s willing to
admit it has, to defeat the rest of the
world, but stamps down on its own citizens?
I feel like, Michael, this is maybe the most
important cog in between, not only the
geopolitical world, the larger picture, but
as well as the domestic picture, and even
down to the local homeless guy living under
a bridge.
The things that we’re
dealing with here are the same thing, it’s
just different in scale, maybe. Can you
explain that to me?
I.
[00:20:04] Hudson:
Well, what this is, is reflecting the power
of junk economics and ideology. The right
wing economists claim that if government
were to provide more public healthcare, and
more public services, taxes would go up. And
because both Republicans and the Democrats
have shifted taxes off real estate, off
finance, off the 1% onto the 99%, that means
that the wage earners taxes would go up.
But of course, it
doesn’t have to be that way at all, because,
as you point out, the state theory of money
says that governments can create their own
money. That’s been the case for the last few
hundred years. And China has shown,
governments don’t have to borrow money from
the wealthy people to pay interest.
They can simply print
the money, and the junk economics people
say, well, if you print your money, that’s
inflationary. But it’s no more inflationary
than bank credit. Suppose that a government
does indeed borrow a billion dollars from
wealthy bond holders, and the wealthy bond
holders are going to take the money out of
the bank and turn it over to the government
for spending.
Why does the
government need the bond holders to create
this money? Or, why do they need banks to
suddenly go to their computer and create a
billion dollars, to lend to the government,
which the government will then redeposit in
these very banks? The government is going to
create the money in any case, whether it’s
lent by the bond holders, or the banks, or
just simply printed.
So the pretense is
that the government has to borrow from bond
holders. Because the bond holders decide
what is economically worthwhile. Well, what
does this ignore? That the bond holders are
the 1%, and what they find economically
worthwhile, isn’t using the government to
benefit living standards, benefit labor, and
to provide social services.
The government’s role
is to provide more money for the 1%, via the
military industrial complex, and the other
government projects.
[00:22:22]
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[00:23:13]
Grumbine: So as far as austerity in this
country, and making people feel like there
is no alternative, you talked about the sale
of bonds, and the myth that the rich are
financing all of our lives. I listened to
your friend Stephanie Kelton, who talks
about the deficit myth, and talks about how
bonds are after the fact, that they’re not
really a funding operation.
And her paper she
wrote in 1998, broke down that taxes and
bonds cannot finance government. Yet people
still acting like we are in debt to the
rich, that we need the rich to survive. How
does that myth hold water? Why does that
still exist? Why are we not in the streets,
locking arms, fighting back, taking this
leviathan down?
I’ll just interject
one thing also. I had the weird opportunity
to spend a night with Jerome Powell, even
though I didn’t know it, at the Dead and
Company show in Virginia. And before I got
there, I was driving through Loudoun County,
Virginia, the tech corridor where you got
Raytheon, and Boeing, and Halliburton. Every
big defense contractor, and it just felt
like huge trophies for the gods.
It was ridiculous. It
was so over the top. That’s what we’re up
against. We are up against something so
massive, so unbelievably powerful. How does
a person that has a leftist perspective, not
only of labor and capital, but an
understanding of trying to make people’s
lives better, how do you do away with
empire, when you’re staring at these massive
monuments to the gods of industry, of the
military industrial complex?
How do we take that
leviathan on? It seems too big.
[00:25:08] Hudson:
Well, in contrast to your trip through
Virginia, here in New York, in Chicago, in
Toronto, and in almost all the big cities
throughout the world, the biggest buildings
are the banks. They’re not Raytheon, they’re
not the military industrial complex, they’re
always the banks. They used to be shaped
just like ancient Greek and Roman temples,
not pyramids, as earlier, but a temple, as
temples of finance, often they were called.
And they’re the largest buildings because
the wealthiest sector of society is the
banking sector, the financial sector, not
the industrial sector, not the military
sector, and not even the real estate sector.
Because most real estate rents are paid as
interest to the banks. Now, the banks do not
really help industrialize the economy.
They actually help
de-industrialize the economy, because their
philosophy is anti-labor and
post-industrial. So how do you explain to
people that it’s not necessary, for
instance, for the governments to abandon
public planning, and leave planning to the
financial sectors? If the governments don’t
do economic forward planning, Wall Street
and the financial sectors will do it,
because that is where credit is created.
Well, you mentioned
Stephanie Kelton, and she was my department
chairman at the University of Missouri at
Kansas City, which was put together with a
grant over 20 years ago, by Warren Mosler,
and they put all of the Modern Monetary
Theorists together there. Randy Wray,
myself, Bill Black, explaining bank
corruption in his book The Best Way To
Rob A Bank Is To Own One. So we had
developed a whole curriculum to explain what
we called reality economics, how the economy
and the world really works. Well, needless
to say, a lot of students wanted to come to
learn this. They were very sympathetic.
Intuitively, they felt that, yes, this is
how the economy works.
But there’s one
problem, when they graduated with their PhD,
there’s really only two jobs for economists
in the economy: one is to drive a cab and
the other is to teach. But in order to
teach, you have to be hired according to how
many journal articles you write for the most
prestigious journals. And almost all the
journal articles are controlled by the
economics departments of colleges like the
University of Chicago, or Berkeley, that are
funded by the banks, and the large
foundations. And so if you don’t publish in
these journals, by saying what the
neoliberals, the monetarists, the junk
economists say, then you’re not going to get
hired. So of course our students did get
hired, but not by Harvard, or the University
of Chicago, or Princeton, or Columbia. They
could get hired by the New School here in
New York, and by others, but there is a
almost total censorship. And some students
came from Asia, and they’ve gone back to
Asia. Some were my colleagues in China, and
Hong Kong, folks studied at UMKC. But you
have the control imposing junk economics in
the United States, by the media, such as The
New York Times, is almost as strong as their
control over reporting about the Ukraine
war, as if Ukraine’s winning, and not
losing.
They’re saying as if
deindustrialization is helping us move into
the post-industrial society of mass
unemployment and homelessness, as if that’s
a good thing. Well, it is a good thing for
the 1%, because they get to feel, we’re
really it. We’re really the new lords, the
financial lords, not landlords, who are also
in debt to us, to borrow. So that’s really
the situation. Ultimately, if people don’t
have a mental model in their mind of how the
world works, and how it should work, to
promote prosperity, they believe with
Margaret Thatcher, as you said, that “there
is no alternative.” And the function of
economic education is to try to brainwash
students into thinking there is no
alternative.
Things have to be the
way they are. That’s Darwinian evolution.
That’s survival of the fittest, the survival
of the bankers. To beat society. The bankers
have won, labor’s lost. And if you look at
what American polls show, the Americans
don’t want war in Ukraine.
They want money to be
spent domestically — we don’t get it. They
want public healthcare — we don’t get it.
They want student loans to be forgiven,
rather than preventing graduates, debtors,
from ever having enough money to actually
buy a home of their own and start a family —
we don’t get it. And we don’t get it,
because neither the Republicans, nor the
Democrats support it.
But if they pretend
to support it, by passing a law, the Supreme
Court is there to make sure that it’s not
what the original Constitutional people
wanted. Because the Constitution was drafted
by authors who feared democracy. Who said
that we have to make sure that we have
enough checks and blocks, so that the mob
cannot rule and take away the power of we,
the bond holders, and landlords, and slave
owners.
[00:30:45]
Grumbine: Well stated. This is really
important stuff you’re bringing up here,
Michael, I appreciate it. Let’s roll into
the next phase. We’re going to double back,
cuz we talked about the BRICS in the very
beginning. We talked about China investing
in its own financial sector. One of the
concerns that many have is the loss of the
world reserve currency.
And I’ve spoken with
quite a few economists who have stated,
point blank, that one of the reasons why the
US is still able to maintain that level of
hegemony, and still be able to hold onto
reserve status, is because of the amount of
deficit spending it was allowed to do
previously, and that allowed the money to
matriculate throughout the world.
It has a central hub
in Wall Street, where people can invest, and
so this is one of the primary reasons they
say, that and, of course, the military, that
allows us to retain that level. What, if
anything, do you see has changed in such a
way, to make that threatened by the BRICS,
and I guess remedially, what exactly are the
BRICS, and what does it represent that
they’re trying to do?
[00:31:57] Hudson:
Well, the BRICS was an acronym formed over a
decade ago, for Brazil, Russia, India, and
China. But now that the United States, in
February of last year, 2022, confiscated
Russia’s dollar reserves in the west, and
told the Bank of England to confiscate
Venezuela’s gold reserves. The United States
says that any country that we declare to be
an enemy, any country that we call an
autocracy, namely democracies, is our enemy,
and we can just grab all of your reserves.
Well, needless to
say, this makes other countries afraid to
use it, and they realize that the United
States deficit, that has been pumping all
these dollars into foreign economies, and
their central banks, they end up being
re-lent to the US government in treasury
bills, and these treasury bills are used to
finance the deficit, that’s largely military
in nature. The budget deficit is primarily
military, and the entire balance of payments
deficit, after the Korean War, was entirely
overseas military spending. That is what
forced the United States to abandon
convertibility of the dollar into gold in
1971. Not only General DeGaulle, but
Germany, was cashing in every month, the
extra dollars that were ending up in their
central banks.
The United States was
fighting in Vietnam and Southeast Asia,
which were French colonies, and the only
banks there at the time were French banks.
They’d received this local spending in
dollars, sent it to France and DeGaulle
would cash it in for gold. And so it was
America’s military spending that forced the
United States off gold.
Well, when it went
off gold, what were foreign countries going
to spend their dollar inflows on? They don’t
really buy real estate, and they don’t
really buy stocks and bonds, at that time.
They buy government bonds, and so it was the
military spending for the balance of
payments deficit, that financed the
government domestic deficit.
The government didn’t
have to borrow from abroad. Of course, it
could have created its own money, but it had
to provide some vehicle to absorb all of
these dollars, that were being thrown off to
other countries. So creating government
bonds, by a deficit, was the means of giving
foreign central banks an opportunity to
dump, and recycle, and save, all of their
dollars that America spent on 800 military
bases, to encircle them, and have organized
color revolutions, for any country that
didn’t follow what American wanted, but
responded to their own democratic wishes. So
the BRICS are onto this, finally. They’ve
been expanded to many other countries that
want to join them, including Saudi Arabia,
Iran. Basically, the BRICS are becoming an
expanded Shanghai cooperation organization.
They’re the BRICS
alternative to NATO, and we’re seeing a
whole bunch of shadow international
institutions, to counter those of the United
States. An alternative to the IMF with a
BRICS Bank, an alternative to the World
Bank. Not to lend just for dependency on US
exports, but to actually help other
countries grow, instead of to become
dependent.
So they realize that
the American economic philosophy is junk
economics, and the objective of American
economic policy is to make other countries
dependent, and to make sure that they can
install client oligarchies to prevent
democracy from occurring, right? So that if
Chile would elect a socialist president like
Allende, America will promote Pinochet to
overthrow the whole group.
Other countries,
they’ve been protesting this ever since the
Bandon conference, in the mid 1950s. But
there wasn’t a critical mass, and for the
first time, the success of China, and other
Asian countries, and having a mixed economy,
and really doing exactly what industrial
capitalism was supposed to do, namely
evolving into socialism.
By creating a mixed
economy with a government infrastructure,
lowering the cost of living, and the cost of
doing business, they’re finally succeeding,
and leaving America way behind, in a
paralyzed form. So it’s as like, America
would like to grow as rapidly as China, but
it can’t grow as rapidly as Asia, and still
have a class war against industrialization.
How on earth are you
going to maintain American prosperity
without industry? How can you rule the world
without having something to export, like
industrial goods, or agriculture, or raw
materials, or something other people need?
The Americans only have one thing to offer.
And it’s an offer really, that China and
Russia can’t match.
The American can
offer not to bomb other countries, not to
overthrow their governments, not to have a
color revolution. They’ll say what we can
offer: your life. We’ll agree not to kill
you, not to overthrow you, not to bomb you,
not to do to you what we did to Libya, to
Iraq, to Syria. If you don’t want that, then
why don’t you be ‘our friend’, and join the
free world?
That is what America
has to offer, and other countries, I guess
now that you’ve seen the year and a half war
in Ukraine, you see that American weaponry,
as we discussed, is what Mao called, a paper
tiger. It’s not weaponry to fight. All that
America has is one weapon, the hydrogen
bomb. There is no other weapon that works.
There’s nothing in
between, launching the Marines on shore, and
dropping an atom bomb. There’s nothing in
between that works, as we’re seeing. So
that’s the problem. And the question is, now
that you have a lot of American officials
that say, well, you know, it’s really not
necessarily so bad a thing if we use atom
bombs, and the world comes to an end,
because as Secretary of State and CIA head,
Pompeo said, if the world blows up, Jesus
will come, and he’ll send all of my people
to heaven, and everyone else to hell. And
there’s this end time mentality, with
Blinken, Biden, the State Department, after
us the deluge. We might as well have it come
now, and we’ll have done a really big thing
that’s changed history. Kaboom.
[00:38:44]
Grumbine: Wow. Biden’s First State of
the Union address, I was appalled to hear
him already calling out China. His first
intent was to demonize China, and you focus
in on why? All I could see was, the United
States government had allowed itself to be
hollowed out, it allowed all its
infrastructure to fall apart, it allowed its
entire industrial base to collapse, and the
pandemic showed the frailty of supply
chains.
They go after Russia,
they go after China, and they create enemies
to buy time, to try to reinvent what the US
is, to allow it to survive without its
hegemony. What are your thoughts on why
China and Russia became the targets?
[00:39:35] Hudson:
It’s not what you say, it’s not that America
‘allowed’ other countries to go ahead, that
was the deliberate policy, from Clinton on.
They wanted to get rid of manufacturing
labor here, in order to create what Marx
called, a reserve army of the unemployed.
They wanted to create unemployment here, by
hiring foreign labor instead of American
labor, and in the process, to make huge
profits for companies, multinational firms,
that produced abroad, with lower priced
labor, from the United States.
So, it’s not that
they allowed China to do something to pull
ahead, America pushed these other countries
to develop. That was part of the American’s
anti-labor policy. And if you don’t realize
that the aim is to cut living standards and
reduce wages, except to the extent that
wages can be spent on interest, to the
financial sector, insurance, to the health
providing sector, and housing sector, and
rents for the real estate sector.
If they can’t provide
this, the function of labor is not to
produce commodities, as occurs under
industrial capitalism. It’s not to be
employed by manufacturers, to use equipment,
to produce goods or services, it’s to serve
as a market for the fire sector. That really
is the guiding line, and it was the guiding
line in Rome, which is why Rome fell apart.
It’s been the reason
why countries, who let an oligarchy develop,
end up pushing their own economies into
obsolescence, and a kind of dark age. It’s
policy, and most of all, it’s the policy of
the Democratic Party’s administration here.
Yeah. So look at what the laws do, and how
the Supreme Court is there to prevent any
kind of re-industrialization in the United
States.
You cannot
re-industrialize in a way that the original
slaveholding authors of the Constitution
would have approved of, if they were there
today. They would be like the billionaires
of Microsoft, and Facebook, and the others.
That would be their philosophy.
[00:41:49]
Grumbine: With the United States, this
was by design. And we keep going through
this dance, and if you’ve ever been to
marriage counseling or anything like that,
they always tell you, in order to get
different results, you gotta change the
dance. We’re still continuing to do the same
dance, and the American people really
haven’t got a clue, Michael.
How do we get the
word out? It doesn’t seem to be making
nearly enough of a dent. How do you get this
word out to people, given the fact that the
state itself, controls the media. How do we
get out of that hell, or is it done, and we
just have to stare the tsunami in the eye,
and just let it take us out to sea.
[00:42:33] Hudson:
Not at all like marriage counseling. My wife
is a psychotherapist, and she’s counseled
couples, and there’s one basic rule in
counseling couples, she tells me. That if
there’s a chance of violence, then you can’t
do couples therapy, because they really
can’t talk freely. You have to have each
member of the couple go to a separate
therapist and work them out individually.
It doesn’t work
having them together. Well, there really
isn’t a harmony of interest in the United
States enough, so you can put labor and
capital together, and come to a happy
medium. There isn’t a medium. The economy’s
polarizing. The interests of the financial,
and the FIRE sector, are so antithetical to
the interest of labor, and industry, that
there’s no way you can meet in the middle,
because the dynamic is polarizing, not
converging.
The dream of most
Americans is, we can somehow make a happy
medium and bipartisanship. The
bipartisanship is, what part of the FIRE
sector do you want to rule: the Republicans
cutting taxes for the rich, or the Democrats
cutting employment for labor? Well, they’re
two peas in the same pod, as they say. So
you have to realize that the interests of
labor are not those of capital. And yet,
since I guess, the 1840 revolutions in
Europe, there’s been this ideal that somehow
the wage earning class can evolve into the
middle class, first by owning its own home.
Although today, if
you own your own home, you have to go into a
lifetime of mortgage debt, or you can maybe
buy an apartment somewhere and rent it out,
and get that. Or you can use your retirement
account to try to make money in the stock
market. Good luck betting against the big
guys. And there’s a myth that somehow the
wage earners can become capitalists in
miniature, as if they’re winning a lottery.
And as long as they
don’t realize that the interests of labor
and capital, and labor and capital they’re
against finance, are antithetical, they’re
not going to be the motivation for
developing an economic ideology, to replace
the pro 1% ideology, that we have today.
Well, you could say the same problem is
occurring in the BRICS countries.
The other day I was
asked, how are you going to get China, and
Saudi Arabia, and African, and South
American countries all to work together?
They all have such different religions, and
ethnicities, and social status. Well, the
common denominator is, they’re all wage
earners. And they all have a common
objective in making enough money, by working
for a living, so that they can increase
their living standards, have a home of their
own, and have a shorter working day, and a
less intensive, less exploitative, working
conditions.
That’s all the common
denominator that you need for these
countries to work together, and it should be
all the common denominator that you need in
the United States, but as long as people
think there are only two alternatives, the
Republicans or the Democrats, well, that’s
the same thing as saying there’s no
alternative to the 1%, the FIRE sector,
ruling society.
[00:45:57]
Grumbine: Michael, if you were to have
one parting word, to let our listeners know
where we are, what would you describe the
world as today? How would you describe the
existence of the US, in this failed state
that it’s in?
[00:46:15] Hudson:
That America is in the same position as the
Roman Republic, when it finally turned into
the Roman Empire. The polarization has gone
so far that there cannot be any recovery of
living standards, any rise in wages, any
improvement in living conditions, without
radically changing the tax policy, the
economic policy, without having a policy
that benefits labor and productive industry,
not the financial sector, and the real
estate sector. That the financial sector and
the property owning sector is outside of the
economy. It’s external, it’s imposed on the
economy. The economic core is workers for
wages, producing goods and services. That
core doesn’t need a financial wrapping.
You don’t need a
wealthy 1% to finance the government’s
budget deficit. Governments can do it by
itself. The governments should have the role
that the banks have today. That means there
are not going to be any more big bank
buildings overshadowing urban skylines. It
means that there will be, basically, a
return to what the whole world thought was
an ideal of industrial capitalism, before
World War I. And that was that capitalism
would evolve steadily into socialism, to be
a more productive economy, to free itself
from the financial class, from the landlord
class, and from the monopolists, and that a
free market is a market free from land rent,
free from bank rent, and free from unearned
income, and wealth, that doesn’t play any
productive role at all.
[00:48:01]
Grumbine: Well stated, sir, well stated.
Michael, do you have any other projects
coming up? What are you working on? You’re
always doing something, what’s happening
over there?
[00:48:10] Hudson:
Well, I’ve just published the second volume
of my history of debt, The Collapse of
Antiquity, and I’m now working on the
third and final volume, which picks up the
story of debt in the Crusades, in the 11th
century to the 13th century. And I find that
the whole financial system was transformed
by the crusades.
Christianity had been
denouncing interest payments and usury, ever
since it became the Roman State religion.
But Rome wanted to fund the Crusades, which
were mainly against other Christian
countries, mainly against France, and
Germany, and Southern Italy, and Sicily, and
Constantinople, is a kind of power grab.
And these wars
required financing. So it was the papacy
that introduced interest bearing debt and
bankers, back into Christian civilization.
And the modern financial system was
introduced by the papacy itself, reversing
all of the early Christian denunciation of
usury. As Islam had denounced that, and
freed its society from usury. All of this
was a result of the Crusades, and the
associated Inquisition, that was used to
essentially wipe out all opposition from the
real Christians, in Southern France, the
Cathars, and the Christianity of the German
states, the Holy Roman Empire.
And the strongest
survival of Christianity in Constantinople,
and its allied churches.
[00:49:56]
Grumbine: I look forward to reading
this, I’m excited about it. We have a
bookstore at Real Progressives, on our
website, and we will definitely fill it up
with all the books. We have a bunch of them
already there, but we’re going to keep
adding to it. Michael, thank you so much for
joining me today. This was an absolute
pleasure.
I hope that we can
have you back on. Your friend, and my
friend, Virginia Cotts, would like to have
you join us also, for what we call an RP
Live. Really fun opportunity to do give and
take, with our volunteers, and our donors,
and other people that come to Real
Progressives for this kind of information,
and you sir, are a rockstar.
I really appreciate
you taking the time, and look forward to
having you back on soon.
[00:50:39] Hudson:
Well, thanks for having me. I always enjoy
our discussions, cuz I think of new things
as we’re talking.
[00:50:44]
Grumbine: Awesome. My name’s Steve
Grumbine with my guest, Michael Hudson. This
is the podcast, Macro N Cheese, and we are
outta here.
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