One year after Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, the
International Criminal Court charged him with
war crimes.
By Marjorie Cohn
March 24, 2023:
Information Clearing House
-- "Consortium
News" -
Today, Iraqis mark the 20th anniversary
of the horrific U.S.-U.K. bombing of Baghdad,
dubbed “Shock and Awe.” In rapid succession,
“coalition forces”
dropped 3,000 bombs, including many that
weighed 2,000 pounds, on Baghdad in what The
New York Times called “almost biblical
power.”
Although they launched an illegal war of
aggression and committed war crimes in Iraq, 20
years later the leaders of the U.S. and the U.K.
have never faced criminal accountability. By
contrast, the International Criminal Court (ICC)
has already charged Russian President Vladimir
Putin with war crimes just one year after his
unlawful invasion of Ukraine. He is the first
non-African leader to be charged by the ICC,
which frequently succumbs to pressure from the
United States.
In what came to be called “Operation Iraqi
Freedom,”
173,000 troops from the United States and
the United Kingdom invaded Iraq. During the
eight-year war, about 300,000 Iraqis and
4,600 Americans were killed. The United States
spent $815 billion on the war, not counting
indirect costs. It plunged the country into a
civil war and millions of Iraqi refugees remain
displaced. Two decades later, not one of the
officials responsible has been brought to
justice.
Invading Iraq Was an Act of
Aggression
Sources within his administration have
confirmed that George W. Bush was
planning to invade Iraq and execute regime
change long before the September 11, 2001,
terrorist attacks. The U.S.-led invasion
violated the United Nations Charter, which
authorizes countries to use military force
against other countries only in self-defense or
with approval by the UN Security Council.
The attack on Iraq didn’t satisfy either of
these conditions and was therefore an act of
aggression. After the Holocaust, the
International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg
wrote, “To initiate a war of aggression,
therefore, is not only an international crime;
it is the supreme international crime differing
only from other war crimes in that it contains
within itself the accumulated evil of the
whole.”
Like other U.S. military interventions, the
rationale for this illegal aggression was based
on a lie. Much as President Lyndon B. Johnson
used the fabricated Tonkin Gulf incident as a
pretext to escalate the Vietnam War, Bush relied
on mythical weapons of mass destruction and a
nonexistent link between Iraqi President Saddam
Hussein and the 9/11 attacks to justify his war
on Iraq.
Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney, Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and National Security
Advisor Condoleezza Rice
falsely warned that Iraq had weapons of mass
destruction (WMDs) and Rice invoked the
image of a “mushroom cloud” to justify the
impending invasion of Iraq. Secretary of State
Colin Powell shamefully presented false
information about Iraq having WMD to the UN
Security Council in February 2003.
In 2002, former UN weapons inspector Scott
Ritter confirmed that Iraq had destroyed 90-95
percent of its WMD and there was no evidence
that it had retained the other 5-10 percent,
which didn’t necessarily constitute a threat or
even a weapons program.
Indeed, no WMD were ever found by the UN
weapons inspectors before or after Bush’s
invasion of Iraq. Moreover, the Bush
administration fabricated a connection between
Iraq and al-Qaeda notwithstanding the
intelligence to the contrary.
The Downing Street Minutes, a transcript of
one of Prime Minister Tony Blair’s briefings
with British intelligence that The Times
of London published in 2005, demonstrated
that the Bush administration had decided by July
2002 to invade Iraq and carry out regime change.
The “intelligence and facts were being fixed
around the policy,” the minutes revealed.
Even a 2005 congressional report prepared at
the direction of former Rep. John Conyers, Jr.
concluded that in spite of intelligence
information to the contrary, members of the Bush
administration made false statements before the
invasion about Iraq having WMD, and linkages
between Iraq and al-Qaeda.
Although Team Bush urged the UN Security
Council to pass a resolution authorizing its
attack on Iraq, the Council refused. Bush and
his allies instead cobbled together prior
Council resolutions, none of which —
individually or collectively — authorized the
invasion of Iraq.
Bush justified the attack with his doctrine
of “preemptive war.” But the UN Charter only
allows a country to use military force in
response to an armed attack by another country
or with permission of the Security Council.
Operation Iraqi Freedom violated the UN Charter
and constituted an illegal war of aggression.
War Crimes Committed by the Bush
Administration
U.S. forces committed many other war crimes
in Iraq, including extrajudicial killings,
torture and the targeting of civilians, which
are prohibited by the Geneva Conventions; the
Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel,
Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment;
and the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights.
Torture and abuse conducted at Abu Ghraib
prison in Iraq included the stacking of naked
prisoners on one another; photographing
prisoners who had been forcibly arranged in
sexually explicit positions; keeping prisoners
naked for days; forcing male prisoners to wear
women’s underwear; using snarling dogs;
punching, slapping and kicking prisoners; and
sodomizing a prisoner with a chemical light and
broomstick.
Civilians were targeted as U.S. troops
operated under rules of engagement that directed
them to shoot everything that moved. In these
“free-fire zones” the U.S. also bombed civilian
areas and used cluster bombs, depleted uranium
and white phosphorus, resulting in massive
civilian casualties.
The most notorious free-fire zone was in
Fallujah. In April 2004, U.S. forces attacked
the village and
killed 736 people, at least 60 percent of
whom were women and children. In another attack
the following November, U.S. troops killed
between
581 and 670 civilians in Fallujah.
Another infamous example of extrajudicial
killing was the Haditha Massacre in November
2005, when U.S. Marines killed 24 unarmed
civilians “execution-style” in a 3-to-4-hour
rampage. The U.S. covered up the massacre until
Time magazine ran a story about it in
March 2006.
Documented extrajudicial killings also took
place in the Iraqi cities of Al-Qa’im, Taal Al
Jal, Mukaradeeb, Mahmudiya, Al-Hamdaniyah,
Samarra, Salahuddin and Ishaqi.
These war crimes are not only abhorrent, but
punishable under the U.S. War Crimes Act and the
U.S. Torture Statute. Yet, although it has been
20 years since the invasion of Iraq, no U.S.
leaders have been indicted. The Obama
administration’s Department of Justice actively
decided not to
prosecute anyone for the torture and abuse
committed during the Bush regime. Yet it only
took one year for the ICC to charge Putin with
war crimes in Ukraine.
Last May, George W. Bush accidentally
admitted that his decision to invade Iraq
was unjustified. While addressing a crowd at the
Bush Presidential Center in Dallas, Bush decried
“the decision of one man to launch a wholly
unjustified and brutal invasion of Iraq. I mean,
Ukraine.” He then added under his breath, “Iraq
too.”
Speaking about the war in Ukraine, President
Joe Biden recently
declared the apparent absurdity of “The idea
that over 100,000 forces would invade another
country — since World War II, nothing like that
has happened.” Biden apparently forgot about
“Operation Iraqi Freedom.”
Marjorie Cohn is professor emerita at Thomas
Jefferson School of Law, former president of the
National Lawyers Guild, and a member of the
national advisory boards of Assange
Defense and Veterans For Peace, and the
bureau of the International Association of
Democratic Lawyers. Her books include Drones
and Targeted Killing: Legal, Moral and
Geopolitical Issues. She is co-host of
“Law
and Disorder” radio.
Views expressed in this article are
solely those of the author and do not necessarily
reflect the opinions of Information Clearing House.
in this article are
solely those of the author and do not necessarily
reflect the opinions of Information Clearing House.
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