Underwritten by various permastate
institutions and intelligence agencies across
the Foreign Office, Home Office and Ministry of
Defence, these fundamentals entail tracking US
policy as closely as possible and
ever-increasing defence spending.
The Tony Blair principle generally applies.
Since the
United States took the baton from Britain as
the imperial leader of the West following the
Second World War, even if a policy choice
appears horribly misguided, better that Britain
stands with America rather than weaken US
prestige through charting its own course.
Prime Minister Boris Johnson was unusually
blunt about the issue in his parting oration to
parliament, advising his successor to "stay
close to the Americans".
What this means in the immediate term is that
if and when the Biden administration loses its
nerve over Ukraine - where it is spending a
whopping $40bn of US tax dollars in various
forms of military and economic aid - London will
follow suit.
It's easy to forget that the UK government's
loud policy in support of Ukrainian President
Volodymyr Zelensky after
Russia invaded, which has cost Britain
£3.8bn ($4.6bn), was partly political
theatre designed to keep Johnson in power.
Liz Truss - currently the favourite to take
over as UK prime minister in September - has
kept close to Johnson in a bid to inherit his
right-wing base. As foreign minister, she was in
Moscow in February with the task of giving the
impression to British media that the UK was
telling Russia what's what, with the help of
ludicrous photo-ops.
Now she has vowed to increase defence
spending to
three percent of GDP by 2030 from the
current 2.1 percent to face an "increased
threat" - to the UK, apparently - from
Russia and China, which would mean a
significant hike on 2023's
budgeted £60.2bn.
Tories' Russian links
Yet it's worth remembering that China was
nowhere on Britain's radar as a threat until
former US President Donald Trump made it one
after taking office in 2017 and Democrat
policymakers chose to roll over.
Though his administration went after
whistleblowers with a vicious gusto, former
US President Barack Obama chose not to
pursue charges against the WikiLeaks founder
because of the simple fact that the only charge
to be pinned on him was one of publication, not
theft of classified material.
That would have exposed the New York Times,
the Guardian and other traditional media outlets
that cooperated with Assange in revealing US and
UK war crimes in
Iraq and
Afghanistan to exactly the same charge.
Yet Conservative governments
cooperated with the CIA in an insane plan to
kidnap him from the Ecuadorean embassy in London
or even kill him, and are keeping him in
solitary confinement in the notorious Belmarsh
prison with the clear intent to induce his
death.
The Labour Party under Keir Starmer, typical
of the Thatcher-Blair era, offers no real
alternative to this at all.
That was not the case when the left briefly
dominated during former Labour leader
Jeremy Corbyn's four-and-a-half-year tenure.
The party manifesto
questioned foreign policy fixtures that put
Israeli security over Palestinian rights, plied
arms to repressive regimes and resisted the
emerging multipolar world order, to the horror
of a permastate establishment for whom Corbyn
was a heretic of Akhenaten proportions.
Truss can be expected to lean even more
heavily into the post-imperial farce of
Britain's Middle East policy under Johnson.
Following the US script, his government came
straight out of the gates after the Brexit-driven
Tory general election victory in December 2019
with a declaration that legislation was in the
works to ban public bodies from participating in
Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaigns,
which the
next session of parliament is likely to
pass.
In an effort to make up for Brexit trade
losses, arms sales to the Gulf Arab governments
were
ramped up.
Meanwhile, Johnson, when Truss's predecessor
at the Foreign Office, botched the cases of
Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, jailed from 2016
to 2022 in Iran on spying charges, and
Matthew Hedges, jailed in the UAE for seven
months in 2016, also on spying charges.
The most tragic folly of British foreign
policy during the neoliberal years has been the
failure to appreciate the immense cultural power
that Britain wields.
Tory governments in particular have
run down the BBC, overseen declining
educational standards, especially in
universities that no longer enjoy the worldwide
reputation they once did, and have even slashed
funding for the British Council, which
should be at the forefront of any serious policy
that calls itself Global Britain.
If there's anywhere where Britain truly
punches about its weight, it is in the cultural
sphere. Instead of hanging onto the coat-tails
of a declining US empire or
scaring people away, Britain should be
reaping the benefits of its outsized role in
shaping the modern world and the interest people
share in its achievements in so many fields.
But long-term investment in the institutions
that exist to capitalise on this legacy means
little to the
ruling clique if there's
nothing in it for them.
Andrew Hammond currently
teaches Turkish history at Oxford university. He
is the author of Popular Culture in North Africa
and the Middle East, The Illusion of Reform in
Saudi Arabia, and numerous academic articles on
modern Islamic thought. He worked previously at
the European Council on Foreign Relations, BBC
Arabic and Reuters in Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Views expressed in this article are
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reflect the opinions of Information Clearing House.
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