NATO’s plan to vastly increase its forward
force is wishful thinking, and the UK’s
struggle for military relevance is a perfect
case in point
By Scott RitterJuly
21, 2022:
Information Clearing House
-- "RT"
- The secretary general of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Jens
Stoltenberg,
recently announced the US-led military
bloc’s goal of expanding its so-called
‘Response Force’ from its current strength
of 40,000 to a force of more than 300,000
troops. “We will enhance our
battlegroups in the eastern part of the
Alliance up to brigade-levels,”
Stoltenberg declared. “We will transform
the NATO Response Force and increase the
number of our high readiness forces to well
over 300,000.”
The announcement, made at the end of
NATO’s annual summit, held in Madrid, Spain,
apparently
took several defense officials from the NATO
membership by surprise, with one such
official calling Stoltenberg’s figures
“number magic.” Stoltenberg appeared to
be working from a concept that had been
developed within NATO headquarters based
upon assumptions made by his staffers, as
opposed to anything resembling coordinated
policy among the defense organizations of
the 30 nations that make up the bloc.
Confusion is the name of the game at NATO
these days, with the alliance still reeling
from last year’s Afghan debacle and unable
to adequately disguise the impotence shown
in the face of Russia’s ongoing military
operation in Ukraine. The bloc is but a
shadow of its former self, a pathetic
collection of under-funded military
organizations more suited for the parade
ground than the battlefield. No military
organization more represents this colossal
collapse in credibility and capability than
the British Army.
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Even before the current Ukraine crisis
kicked off, the British military served more
as an object of derision than a template of
professionalism. Take, by way of example,
the visit of UK Defense Secretary Ben
Wallace to Zagreb, Croatia in early February
2022. Croatian President Zoran Milanovic
accused the British of trying to incite
Ukraine into a war with Russia, as opposed
to trying to address Russia’s concerns over
the existing European security framework.
Wallace flew to Zagreb for consultations,
only to be rebuked by Milanovic, who refused
to meet with him, noting that he only met
with the defense ministers of superpowers,
adding that “the UK has left the EU, and
this gives it less importance.”
But London keeps putting a brave face on
a sorry reality. Take, for example,
the offer of written security assurances
to Sweden and Finland made by British Prime
Minister Boris Johnson. These pledges were
designed to bolster the resolve of the two
Nordic nations as they considered their
applications to join NATO.
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But there was no substance to the British
offer, if for no other reason than the
British had nothing in the way of viable
military capability to offer either the
Swedes or the Finns. Even as Johnson
proffered the proverbial hand of assistance
to his newfound Nordic allies, the UK
Ministry of Defense was wrestling with
planned force reductions that would see
the British Army cut from its current
“established strength” of 82,000 to
72,500 by 2025 (the actual strength of the
British Army is around 76,500, reflecting
ongoing difficulties in recruitment and
retention.)
Even these numbers are misleading – the
British Army
is only capable of generating one fully
combat-ready maneuver brigade (3,500 to
4,000 men with all the necessary equipment
and support). Given the reality that the UK
is already on the hook for a reinforced
battalion-sized “battlegroup” that is to be
deployed to Estonia as part of NATO’s
so-called enhanced Forward Presence (eFP)
posture (joining three other similarly-sized
“battlegroups” fielded by the US in Poland,
Germany in Lithuania, and Canada in Latvia),
it is questionable whether the British could
even accomplish this limited task.
Last month’s deployment to Estonia of
a battlegroup comprised of the 2 Rifles
infantry regiment underscores the pathos
that defines real British military
capability. The 2 Rifles Battlegroup
includes the three infantry companies and
one fire support company integral to the
unit, along with supporting artillery,
engineering, logistic, and medical elements.
France and Denmark
provide a company-sized unit to the
British-led battlegroup on an alternating
basis. Altogether, the British battlegroup
comprises some 1,600 soldiers, and is fully
integrated within the Estonian 2nd Infantry
Brigade.
Given what we now know about the reality
of modern warfare, courtesy of the ongoing
Russian operation in Ukraine, the British
battlegroup would have a life expectancy on
an actual European battlefield of less than
a week. So, too, would its allies in the
Estonian 2nd Infantry Brigade. First and
foremost, the units lack any sustainability,
both in terms of personnel and equipment
losses that could be anticipated if
subjected to combat, or the basic logistical
support necessary to shoot, move, or
communicate on the modern battlefield.
Artillery is the king of battle, and the
British and Estonians are lacking when it
comes to generating anywhere near enough
tubes to counter the overwhelming fire
support expected to be generated by any
hostile Russian force.
Stoltenberg’s hypothetical 300,000-strong
Response Force envisions the existing
battlegroups to be expanded to brigade-sized
formations, ironically tasking the British
to generate more combat power at a time when
it is actively seeking to reduce its overall
manpower levels. While the British may be
able to scrape enough substance from the
bottom of the barrel, so to speak, to
accomplish this projected reinforcement,
there would literally be nothing left to
back up Boris Johnson’s bold offer of
substantive military assistance to Sweden
and Finland, leaving the British prime
minister looking more like the captain of
the Titanic after it hit the iceberg,
issuing directives and acting as if his
words had any impact, all while his ship is
sinking.
Scott Ritter is a former US Marine Corps
intelligence officer and author of
'Disarmament in the Time of Perestroika:
Arms Control and the End of the Soviet
Union.' He served in the Soviet Union as an
inspector implementing the INF Treaty, in
General Schwarzkopf’s staff during the Gulf
War, and from 1991-1998 as a UN weapons
inspector.