By Ellen Brown
January 01, 2022:
Information Clearing House
-- "ScheerPost."
--The Federal
Reserve is caught between a rock and a hard place.
Inflation grew by 6.8% in November, the
fastest in 40 years, a trend the Fed has now
acknowledged is not “transitory.” The conventional
theory is that inflation is due to too much money
chasing too few goods, so the Fed is under heavy
pressure to “tighten” or shrink the money supply.
Its conventional tools for this purpose are to
reduce asset purchases and raise interest rates. But
corporate debt has risen by $1.3 trillion just since
early 2020; so if the Fed raises rates, a massive
wave of defaults is likely to result. According to
financial advisor Graham Summers in an article
titled “The
Fed Is About to Start Playing with Matches Next to a
$30 Trillion Debt Bomb,” the stock market could
collapse by as much as 50%.
Even more at risk are the
small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) that are
the backbone of the productive economy, companies
that need bank credit to survive. In 2020,
200,000 more U.S. businesses closed than in
normal pre-pandemic years. SMEs targeted as
“nonessential” were restricted in their ability to
conduct business, while the large international
corporations remained open. Raising interest rates
on the surviving SMEs could be the final blow.
Cut Demand or
Increase Supply?
The argument for raising
interest rates is that it will reduce the demand for
bank credit, which is now acknowledged to be the
source of most of the new money in the money supply.
In 2014, the Bank of England wrote in
its first-quarter report that 97% of the UK
money supply was created by banks when they made
loans. In the U.S. the figure is not quite so high,
but well over 90% of the U.S. money supply is also
created by bank lending.
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Left unanswered is whether
raising interest rates will lower prices in an
economy beset with supply problems. Oil and natural
gas shortages, food shortages, and supply chain
disruptions are major contributors to today’s high
prices. Raising interest rates will hurt, not help,
the producers and distributors of those products, by
raising their borrowing costs. As
observed by Canadian senator and economist Diane
Bellemare:
Raising interest rates
may cool off demand, but today’s high prices are
tightly tied to supply issues – goods not coming
through to manufacturers or retailers in a
predictable way, and global markets not able to
react quickly enough to changing tastes of
consumers.
… A singular focus on
inflation could lead to a ratcheting up of
interest rates at a time when Canada [and the
U.S.] should be increasing its ability to
produce more goods, and supplying retailers and
consumers alike with what they need.
Rather than a reduction in
demand, we need more supply available locally; and
to fund its production, credit-money needs to
increase. When supply and demand increase
together, prices remain stable, while GDP and
incomes go up.
So
argues UK Prof. Richard Werner, a German-born
economist who invented the term “quantitative
easing” (QE) when he was working in Japan in the
1990s. Japanese banks had pumped up demand for
housing, driving up prices to unsustainable levels,
until the market inevitably crashed and took the
economy down with it. The QE that Werner prescribed
was not the asset-inflating money creation we see
today. Rather, he recommended increasing GDP by
driving money into the real, productive economy; and
that is what he recommends for today’s economic
crisis.
How to Fund Local
Production
SMES make up around 97-99% of the private sector
of almost every economy globally. Despite massive
losses from the pandemic lockdowns, in the U.S.
there were still
30.7 million small businesses reported in
December 2020. Small companies account for 64
percent of new U.S. jobs; yet in most U.S.
manufacturing sectors, productivity growth is
substantially below the standards set by
Germany, and many U.S. SMEs are not productive
enough to compete with the cost advantages of
Chinese and other low-wage competitors. Why?
Werner observes that Germany
exports nearly as much as China does, although the
German population is a mere 6% of China’s. The
Chinese also have low-wage advantages. How can
German small firms compete when U.S. firms cannot?
Werner credits Germany’s 1,500
not-for-profit/community banks, the largest number
in the world. Seventy percent of German deposits are
with these local banks – 26.6% with cooperative
banks and 42.9% with publicly-owned savings banks
called Sparkassen, which are legally limited to
lending in their own communities. Together these
local banks do over 90% of SME lending. Germany has
more than ten times as many banks engaged in SME
lending as the UK, and German SMEs are world market
leaders in many industries.
Small banks lend to small
companies, while large banks lend to large companies
– and to large-scale financial speculators. German
community banks were not affected by the 2008
crisis, says Werner, so they were able to increase
SME lending after 2008; and as a result, there was
no German recession and no increase in unemployment.
China’s success, too, Werner
attributes to its large network of community banks.
Under Mao, China had a single centralized national
banking system. In 1982, guided by Deng Xiaoping,
China reformed its money system and introduced
thousands of commercial banks, including hundreds of
cooperative banks. Decades of double-digit growth
followed. “Window guidance” was also used: harmful
bank credit creation for asset transactions and
consumption were suppressed, while productive credit
was encouraged.
Werner’s recommendations for
today’s economic conditions are to reform the money
system by: banning bank credit for transactions that
don’t contribute to GDP; creating a network of many
small community banks lending for productive
purposes, returning all gains to the community; and
making bank behavior transparent, accountable and
sustainable. He is chairman of the board of
Hampshire Community Bank, launched just this year,
which lays out the model. It includes no bonus
payments to staff, only ordinary modest salaries;
credit advanced mainly to SMEs and for housing
construction (buy-to-build mortgages); and ownership
by a local charity for the benefit of the people in
the county, with half the votes in the hands of the
local authorities and universities that are its
investors.
Public Banking in the
United States: North Dakota’s Success
That model – cut out the
middlemen and operationalize community banks to
create credit for local production – also underlies
the success of the century-old Bank of North Dakota
(BND), the only state-owned U.S. bank in existence.
North Dakota is also the only state to have escaped
the 2008-09 recession, having a state budget that
never dropped into the red. The state has nearly
six times as many local banks per capita as the
country overall. The BND does not compete with these
community banks but partners with them, a very
productive arrangement for all parties.
In 2014, the
Wall Street Journal published an article stating
that the BND was more profitable even than JPMorgan
Chase and Goldman Sachs. The author credited North
Dakota’s oil boom, but the boom turned into a bust
that very year, yet the BND continued to report
record profits. It has averaged a
20% return on equity over the last 19 years, far
exceeding
the ROI of JPMorgan Chase
and Wells Fargo, where state governments
typically place their deposits. According to its
2020 annual report, in 2019 the BND had
completed 16 years of record-breaking profits.
Its 2020 ROI of 15%, while
not quite as good, was still stellar considering the
economic crisis hitting the nation that year. The
BND had the largest percentage of Payroll Protection
Plan recipients per capita of any state; it tripled
its loans for the commercial and agricultural
sectors in 2020; and it lowered its fixed interest
rate on student loans by 1%, saving borrowers an
average of $6,400 over the life of the loan. The BND
closed 2020 with $7.7 billion in assets.
Why is the BND so profitable,
then, if not due to oil? Its business model allows
it to have much lower costs than other banks. It has
no private investors skimming off short-term
profits, no high paid executives, no need to
advertise, and, until recently, it had only one
branch, now expanded to two. By law, all of the
state’s revenues are deposited in the BND. It
partners with local banks on loans, helping with
capitalization, liquidity and regulations. The BND’s
savings are returned to the state or passed on to
local borrowers in the form of lower interest rates.
What the Fed Could Do
Now
The BND and Sparkassen banks
are great public banking models, but implementing
them takes time, and the Fed is under pressure to
deal with an inflation crisis right now. Prof.
Werner worries about centralization and thinks we
don’t need central banks at all; but as long as we
have them, we might as well put them to use serving
the Main Street economy.
In September 2020, Saqib
Bhatti and Brittany Alston of the Action Center on
Race and the Economy proposed a plan for stimulating
local production that could be implemented by the
Fed immediately. It could make interest-free loans
directly to state and local governments for
productive purposes. To better fit with prevailing
Fed policies, perhaps it could make 0.25% loans, as
it now makes to private banks through its
discount window and to repo market investors
through its
standing repo facility.
They noted that interest
payments on municipal debt transfer more than $160
billion every year from taxpayers to wealthy
investors and banks on Wall Street. These funds
could be put to more productive public use if the
Federal Reserve were to make long-term zero-cost
loans available to all U.S. state and local
governments and government agencies. With that
money, they could refinance old debts and take out
loans for new long-term capital infrastructure
projects, while canceling nearly all of their
existing interest payments. Interest and fees
typically make up
50% of the cost of infrastructure. Dropping the
interest rate nearly to zero could stimulate a boom
in those desperately needed projects. The American
Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE)
estimates in its 2021 report that $6.1 trillion
is needed just to repair our nation’s
infrastructure.
As for the risk that state
and local governments might not pay back their
debts, Bhatti and Alston contend that it is
virtually nonexistent. States are not legally
allowed to default, and about half the states do not
permit their cities to file for bankruptcy. The
authors write:
According to Moody’s
Investors Service, the cumulative ten-year
default rate for municipal bonds between 1970
and 2019 was just 0.16%, compared with 10.17%
for corporate bonds, meaning corporate bonds
were a whopping 63 times more likely to default.
…[M]unicipal bonds as a whole were safer
investment than the safest 3% of corporate
bonds. … US municipal bonds are extremely safe
investments, and the interest rates that most
state and local government borrowers are forced
to pay are unjustifiably high.
… The major rating
agencies have a long history of using credit
ratings to push an austerity agenda and demand
cuts to public services …. Moreover, they
discriminate against municipal borrowers by
giving them lower credit ratings than
corporations that are significantly more likely
to default.
… [T]he same banks that
are major bond underwriters also have a record
of collusion and bid-rigging in the municipal
bond market. … Several banks, including JPMorgan
Chase and Citigroup, have pleaded guilty to
criminal charges and paid billions in fines to
financial regulators.
… There is no reason for
banks and bondholders to be able to profit from
this basic piece of infrastructure if the
Federal Reserve could do it for free. [Citations
omitted.]
To ensure repayment and
discourage overborrowing, say Bhatti and Alston, the
Fed could adopt regulations such as requiring any
borrower that misses a payment to levy an automatic
tax on residents above a certain income threshold.
Borrowing limits could also be put in place.
Politicization of loans could be avoided by making
loans available indiscriminately to all public
borrowers within their borrowing limits. Another
possibility might be to mediate the loans through a
National Infrastructure Bank, as proposed in
HR 3339.
All of this could be done
without new legislation. The Federal Reserve has
statutory authority under the Federal Reserve Act to
lend to municipal borrowers for a period of up to
six months. It could just agree to roll over these
loans for a fixed period of years. Bhatti and Alston
observe that under the 2020 CARES Act, the Fed was
given permission to make up to $500 billion in
indefinite, long-term loans to municipal borrowers,
but it failed to act on that authority to the extent
allowed. Loans were limited to no more than three
years, and the interest rate charged was so high
that most municipal borrowers could get lower rates
on the open municipal bond market.
Private corporations, which
the authors show are 63 times more likely to
default, were offered much more generous terms on
corporate debt; and 330 corporations took the offer,
versus only two municipal takers through the
Municipal Liquidity Facility. The federal government
also made $10.4 trillion in bailouts and backstops
available to the financial sector after the 2008
financial crisis, a sum that is 2.5 times the size
of
the entire U.S. municipal bond market.
Stoking the Fire with
Credit for Local Production
Playing with matches that
could trigger a $30 trillion debt bomb is obviously
something the Fed should try to avoid. Prof. Werner
would probably argue that its policy mistake, like
Japan’s in the 1980s, has been to inject credit so
that it has gone into speculative assets, inflating
asset prices. The Fed’s liquidity fire hose needs to
be directed at local production. This can be done
through local community or public banks, or by
making near-zero interest loans to state and local
governments, perhaps mediated through a National
Infrastructure Bank.
Ellen Brown is an
attorney, chair of the
Public Banking Institute, and
author of thirteen books including
Web of Debt,
The Public Bank Solution, and
Banking on the People: Democratizing Money in
the Digital Age. She also co-hosts a
radio program on
PRN.FM called “It’s
Our Money.” Her 300+ blog articles are
posted at
EllenBrown.com.
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