The time and money it took to give Kabul to
the Taliban could have been used to help
struggling Americans.
By Tom Engelhardt
October 17, 2021 -- "Information
Clearing House -
"
Tom Dispatch" -
They weren’t
kidding when they called Afghanistan the “graveyard
of empires.” Indeed, that cemetery has just
taken another imperial body. And it
wasn’t pretty, was it? Not that anyone should be
surprised. Even after 20 years of preparation, a
burial never is.
In fact, the shock and awe(fulness) in Kabul and
Washington over these last weeks shouldn’t have been
surprising, given our history. After all, we were
the ones who
prepared the ground and dug the grave for the
previous interment in that very cemetery.
That, of course, took place between 1979 and 1989
when Washington had
no hesitation about using the most extreme
Islamists—arming, funding, training, and advising
them—to ensure that one more imperial carcass, that
of the Soviet Union, would be buried there. When, on
February 15, 1989, the Red Army finally left
Afghanistan,
crossing the Friendship Bridge into Uzbekistan,
Soviet commander General Boris Gromov, the last man
out, said, “That’s it. Not one Soviet soldier or
officer is behind my back.” It was his way of saying
so long, farewell, good riddance to the endless war
that the leader of the Soviet Union had by then
taken to calling “the
bleeding wound.” Yet, in its own strange
fashion, that “graveyard” would come home with them.
After all, they returned to a bankrupt land, sucked
dry by that failed war against those American- and
Saudi-backed Islamist extremists.
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Two years later, the Soviet Union would implode,
leaving just one truly great power on Planet
Earth—along with, of course, those very extremists
Washington had built into a USSR-destroying force.
Only a decade later, in response to an “air
force” manned by 19 mostly Saudi hijackers
dispatched by Osama bin Laden, a rich Saudi prince
who had been part of our anti-Soviet effort in
Afghanistan, the world’s “sole superpower” would
head directly for that graveyard (as
bin Laden desired).
Despite the American experience in Vietnam during
the previous century—the Afghan effort of the 1980s
was meant to give the USSR
its own “Vietnam” —key Bush administration
officials were so sure of themselves that, as
The New York Times recently reported, they
wouldn’t even consider letting the leaders of
the Taliban negotiate a surrender once our invasion
began. On September 11, 2001, in the ruins of the
Pentagon, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld had
already given an aide these
instructions, referring not just to Bin Laden
but Iraqi ruler Saddam Hussein: “Go massive. Sweep
it up, all up. Things related and not.” Now, he
insisted, “The United States is not inclined to
negotiate surrenders.” (Of course, had you
read war reporter Anand Gopal’s 2014 book,
No Good Men Among the Living, you would
have long known just how fruitlessly Taliban leaders
tried to surrender to a power intent on war and
nothing but war.)
Allow a surrender and have everything grind to a
disappointing halt? Not a chance, not when the
Afghan War was the beginning of what was to be an
American triumph of global proportions. After all,
the future invasion of Iraq and the domination of
the oil-rich Greater Middle East by the one and only
power on the planet were already on the agenda. How
could the leaders of such a confident land with a
military funded at levels the next
most powerful countries combined couldn’t match
have imagined its own 2021 version of surrender?
And yet, once again, 20 years later, Afghanistan
has quite visibly and horrifyingly become a
graveyard of empire (as well, of course, as a
graveyard
for Afghans). Perhaps it’s only fitting that the
secretary of defense who refused the surrender of
the enemy in 2001 was recently buried in Arlington
National Cemetery with full honors. In fact, the
present secretary of defense and the head of the
joint chiefs of staff both
reportedly “knelt before Mr. Rumsfeld’s widow,
Joyce, who was in a wheelchair, and presented her
with the flag from her husband’s coffin.”
Meanwhile, Joe Biden was the third president
since George W. Bush and crew launched this
country’s forever wars to find himself floundering
haplessly in that same graveyard of empires. If the
Soviet example didn’t come to mind, it should have
as Democrats and Republicans,
President Biden and former
President Trump flailed at each other over their
supposedly deep feelings for the poor Afghans being
left behind, while this country withdrew its troops
from Kabul airport in a land where “rest in peace”
has long had no meaning.
America’s True Infrastructure
Spending
Here’s the thing, though: Don’t assume that
Afghanistan is the only imperial graveyard around or
that the United States can simply withdraw, however
ineptly, chaotically, and bloodily, leaving that
country to history—and the Taliban. Put another way,
even though events in Kabul and its surroundings
took over the mainstream news recently, the Soviet
example should remind us that, when it comes to
empires, imperial graveyards are hardly restricted
to Afghanistan.
In fact, it might be worth taking a step back to
look at the big picture. For decades, the United
States has been involved in a global project that’s
come to be called “nation building,” even if, from
Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia to Afghanistan and Iraq,
it often seemed an endless exercise in nation (un)building.
An imperial power of the first order, the US long
ago largely rejected the idea of straightforward
colonies. In the years of the Cold War and then of
the War on Terror, its leaders were instead
remarkably focused on setting up an unparalleled
empire of
military bases and garrisons on a
global scale. This and the wars that went with
it have been the unsettling American imperial
project since World War II.
And that unsettling should be taken
quite literally. Even before recent events in
Afghanistan, Brown University’s invaluable Costs of
War Project estimated that this country’s conflicts
of the last two decades across the Greater Middle
East and Africa had displaced at least
38 million people, which should be considered
nation (un)building of the first order.
Since the Cold War began, Washington has engaged
in an endless series of interventions around the
planet from
Iran to
the Congo,
Chile to
Guatemala, as well as in conflicts, large and
small. Now, with Joe Biden having withdrawn from
America’s disastrous Afghan War, you might wonder
whether it’s all finally coming to an end, even if
the United States still insists on maintaining
750 sizable military bases globally.
Count on this, though: The politicians of the
great power that hasn’t won a significant war since
1945 will agree on one thing—that the Pentagon and
the military-industrial complex deserve yet more
funding (no matter what else doesn’t). In truth,
those institutions have been the major recipients of
actual infrastructure spending over much of what
might still be thought of as the American century.
They’ve been the true winners in this society, along
with the billionaires who, even in the midst of a
grotesque pandemic, raked in profits in a historic
fashion. In the process, those tycoons created
possibly the
largest inequality gap on the planet, one that
could destabilize a democracy even if nothing else
were going on. The losers? Don’t even get me
started.
Or think of it this way: Yes, in August 2021, it
was Kabul, not Washington, D.C., that fell to the
enemy, but the nation (un)building project in which
this country has been involved over these last
decades hasn’t remained thousands of miles away.
Only half-noticed here, it’s been coming home, big
time. Donald Trump’s rise to the presidency, amid
election promises to end America’s “endless
wars,” should really be seen as
part of that war-induced (un)building project at
home. In his own strange fashion, The Donald was
Kabul before its time and his rise to power
unimaginable without those distant conflicts and the
spending that went with them, all of which, however
unnoticed, unsettled significant parts of this
society.
Climate War in a Graveyard of
Empires?
You can tell a lot about a country if you know
where its politicians unanimously agree to invest
taxpayer dollars.
At this very moment, the United States is in a
series of crises, none worse than the heat, fire,
and flood “season” that’s hit not just the
megadrought-ridden West, or
inundated Tennessee, or
hurricane-whacked Louisiana, or the
tropical-storm-tossed Northeast, but the whole
country. Unbearable
warmth, humidity,
fires,
smoke, storms, and
power outages, that’s us. Fortunately, as
always, Congress stands in remarkable unanimity when
it comes to investing money where it truly matters.
And no, you knew perfectly well that I wasn’t
referring to the creation of a green-energy economy.
In fact, Republicans
wouldn’t hear of it and the Biden
administration, while officially backing the idea,
has already issued
more than 2,000 permits to fossil-fuel companies
for new drilling and fracking on federal lands. In
August, the president even
called on OPEC—the Saudis, in particular—to
produce significantly more oil to halt a further
rise in gas prices at the pump.
As America’s eternally losing generals come home
from Kabul, what I actually had in mind was the one
thing just about everyone in Washington seems to
agree on: funding the military-industrial complex
beyond their wildest dreams. Congress has recently
spent months trying to pass a bill that would, over
a number of years, invest an
extra $550 billion in this country’s badly
tattered infrastructure, but never needs
time like that to pass Pentagon and other
national security budgets that, for years now, have
added up to well over
a trillion dollars annually.
In another world, with the Afghan War ending and
US forces (at least theoretically) coming home, it
might seem logical to radically cut back on the
money invested in the military-industrial complex
and its ever more expensive weaponry. In another
American world on an increasingly endangered planet,
significantly
scaling back American forces in every way and
investing our tax dollars in a very different kind
of “defense” would seem logical indeed. And yet, as
of this moment, as Greg Jaffe writes at The
Washington Post, the Pentagon continues to
suck up “a larger share of discretionary
spending than any other government agency.”
Fortunately for those who want to keep funding
the US military in the usual fashion, there’s a new
enemy out there with which to replace the Taliban,
one that the Biden foreign-policy team and a
“pivoting” military is
already remarkably eager to confront: China.
At least when the latest infrastructure money is
spent, if that compromise bill ever really makes it
through a Congress that can’t tie its own shoelaces,
something will be accomplished. Bridges and roads
will be repaired, new electric-vehicle-charging
stations set up, and so on. When, however, the
Pentagon spends the money just about everyone in
Washington agrees it should have, we’re guaranteed
yet more
weaponry this country doesn’t need,
poorly produced for thoroughly exorbitant sums,
if not more failed wars as well.
I mean, just think about what the American
taxpayer “invested” in the losing wars of this
century. According to Brown University’s Costs of
War Project,
$2.313 trillion went into that disastrous Afghan
War alone and
at least $6.4 trillion by 2020 into the
full-scale war on terror. And that doesn’t even
include the estimated future costs of caring for
American veterans of those conflicts. In the end,
the total may prove to be in the
$8 trillion range. Hey, at least
$88 billion just went into supplying and
training the Afghan military, most of which
didn’t even exist by August 2021 and the rest of
which melted away when the Taliban advanced.
Just imagine for a minute where we might really
be today if Congress had spent close to $8 trillion
rebuilding this society, rather than (un)building
and wrecking distant ones.
Rest assured, this is not
the country that ended World War II in triumph or
even the one that outlasted the Soviet Union and
whose politicians then declared it the most
exceptional,
indispensable nation ever. This is a land that’s
crumbling before our eyes, being (un)built month by
month, year by year. Its political system is on the
verge of dissolving into who knows what
amid a raft of voter suppression laws, wild
claims about the most recent presidential election,
an
assault on the Capitol itself, and conspiracy
theories galore. Its political parties seem ever
more hostile, disturbed, and disparate. Its economy
is a gem of inequality, its infrastructure
crumbling, its society seemingly coming apart at the
seams. And on a planet that could be turning into a
genuine graveyard of empires (and of so much else),
keep in mind that, if you’re losing your war with
climate change, you can’t withdraw from it. You
can’t declare defeat and go home. You’re already
home in the increasingly dysfunctional, increasingly
(un)built US of A.
Tom Engelhardt created and runs Tomdispatch.com,
a project of
The Nation Institute where he is a Fellow. His
next book,
A Nation Unmade by War (Dispatch Books), will be
published later this month.
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