By Graham E. Fuller
March 23, 2021 "Information
Clearing House" - -
"RS"
- The U.S. leadership must
have set some kind of new record in managing to
personally insult the leadership of the two
other great powers of the world within 48 hours
of each other in these early days of Biden
administration foreign policy. Almost as if they
were graduates of “The Donald Trump Charm
School.”
It is simply astonishing that in approaching
a new course of relations with Russia, President
Biden should have called Vladimir Putin “a
killer” and lacking “a soul.”
It is similarly astonishing to have chosen an
important opening moment in our delicate
relationship with China to employ derogatory
language. Did Blinken believe that flashing
testosterone at the first high-level meeting of
Beijing’s foreign policy leadership would help
achieve the diplomatic goals Washington seeks?
One wonders who the secretary of state was
trying to impress — Beijing or a U.S. domestic
audience?
The United States undoubtedly has its own
grievances towards China, and China likewise
possesses many grievances towards the United
States. But surely this name-calling and
accusatory language are immature and
counterproductive in terms of future U.S.-China
or, for that matter, China-Russian relations.
And what message do these events send to
other world leaders? It raises serious questions
about the professionalism and vision of the new
administration’s leadership as to whether
Washington is any longer responsible or capable
of the “global leadership” about which it talks
so incessantly.
When both the U.S. president and his
secretary of state seem to have chosen such
ill-considered approaches to Russia and China,
it certainly will make many other countries
quite hesitant to sign on to an American vision
and style of global leadership.
The degree of hypocrisy about “killing” or
“foreign interference” is likewise disturbing if
not myopic. U.S. policies over the past 20 years
or more have shown a great willingness to kill
in great quantity in a failing effort to achieve
political goals that have stunningly failed in
nearly every case.
No Advertising - No Government Grants - This Is
Independent Media
Consider the hundreds of thousands of Iraqi,
Syrian, Somali, Libyan, Iranian, Afghan, and
Pakistani civilians who are perceived as little
more than “collateral damage” in endless U.S.
military interventions. Not to mention American
assassinations of high-level foreign officials
such as Iranian General Qassem Soleimani who
also happened to be perhaps the most revered
public official in Iran.
Antony Blinken, seemingly without
embarrassment, speaks of the United States as
upholding “the rule of law globally” in the
self-deception or the belief that such is the
case. In fact, Washington has always expected
other countries to support the international
rule of law — although exempting good friends
like Israel and Saudi Arabia. The United States
invariably defends its own “exceptionalism” in
pointedly not signing onto International law
when it suits its interests. That includes
foreign assassinations and the launching of
several wars without authorization at the
international level, provoking “Color
Revolutions,” and refusing to ratify UN
Conventions on the Law of the Sea or the Rights
of the Child, or honor adverse judgments by the
International Court of Justice. And It is
difficult to understand how Blinken feels
comfortable at lecturing China on its domestic
failings at a time when U.S. democracy and
social policy have never presented a more
damaging face to the world.
Surely such self-righteousness on the
administration’s part shows a lack of
seriousness and honesty about U.S. history and
positions. Or, more disturbingly, it suggests
that Washington lacks all capacity for
self-reflection and self-awareness.
In the end, this initial high-level
diplomatic encounter is perhaps most distressing
given the high hopes that many Americans held
that so many of our problems would vanish with
the departure of Donald Trump – rather than
undertaking a necessarily painful examination of
the inherent deep-seated flaws within the
American system.
Perhaps I am wrong in making these
harsh observations. Maybe, coming on strong with
all guns blazing — Hollywood cowboy style — at
these first public confrontations will cause
Moscow and Beijing to reflect and even retreat a
bit. But I doubt it. I fear these two linked
events simply hammer a few more nails into the
coffin of cherished American aspirations to
global leadership and dominance. In that case,
we may be our own most dangerous enemy if we
continue to look with nostalgia at former
American hegemony. That global dominance, for
better or for worse, is increasingly a thing of
the past. It represents a failure to recognize
the unique circumstances by which America
happened to play a major positive global role
immediately after the collapse of Europe, Japan,
and China after the brutal ordeal of World War
II. Arguably, those conditions will not return,
which means that the United States will be
facing a very uncomfortable future reality for
which it seems psychologically ill-prepared.
This country indeed has some grounds for
pride in its own – imperfect — democratic order.
No such democratic orders are perfect. Still,
how much reflection does it take to acknowledge
what “the Chinese Communist Party” has
accomplished in the past thirty years? Is it
more worthy to bring half a billion people out
of poverty and into middle-class life in a mere
generation? Or more worthy to maintain intact
an American electoral system in which mediocre
or bad leaders emerge as readily as good ones?
Trying to define what constitutes good
governance either in China or America is not
readily answerable and depends on one’s values.
But at the least the question should evoke some
measure of humility before Washington engages in
a dubious public contest with a major foreign
power over alternative forms of governance.
Ultimately, improvements in Chinese forms of
governance are less likely to evolve — as they
have over thirty years — when insulting
comparisons and demands are made of a
competitor’s performance — especially when we
are talking about Chinese domestic policies in
so many cases — while giving a free ride to our
harshly autocratic friends.
The United States is a country possessing
extraordinary gifts of creativity and energy. At
this point, however, its political,
socio-economic, and psychological order seems to
be languishing on the cross of a questionable
and expensive search for total global military
dominance.
Hopefully, some lessons learned will be drawn
from this early, singularly amateur and
emotional first foray of the Biden
administration into high-level Russia and China
diplomacy.