How Do Big Media Outlets So Often "Independently
Confirm" Each Other's Falsehoods?
The Washington Post's media-spread error about
Trump's Georgia call shows the deceitful
playbook first invented to undermine Trump and
promote Russiagate.
By Glenn Greenwald
March 17, 2021 "Information
Clearing House" -
There were so many false reports
circulated by the dominant corporate
wing of the U.S. media as part of the
five-year-long Russiagate hysteria that in
January, 2019, I
compiled what I called “The 10 Worst, Most
Embarrassing U.S. Media Failures on the
Trump-Russia Story.” The only difficult part of
that article was choosing which among the many
dozens of retractions, corrections and
still-uncorrected factual falsehoods merited
inclusion in the worst-ten list. So stiff was
the competition that I was forced to omit many
huge media Russiagate humiliations, and thus, to
be fair to those who missed the cut, had to
append a large “Dishonorable Mention” category
at the end.
That the entire Russiagate storyline itself was a
fraud and a farce is conclusively demonstrated by
one decisive fact that can never be memory-holed:
namely, the impetus for the scandal and subsequent
investigation was the conspiracy theory that the
Trump campaign had secretly and criminally conspired
with the Russian government to interfere in the 2016
election, primarily hacking into the email inboxes
of the DNC and Clinton campaign chief John Podesta.
And a grand total of zero Americans were
accused (let alone convicted) of participating in
that animating conspiracy.
The New York Times’ May, 2017
announcement of Robert Mueller as special
counsel stated explicitly that his task was “to
oversee the investigation into ties between
President Trump’s campaign and Russian officials”
and specifically “investigate ‘any links and/or
coordination between the Russian government and
individuals associated with the campaign of
President Donald Trump.’”
The related secondary media-created conspiracy
theory was that the Kremlin clandestinely controlled
U.S. political institutions by virtue of sexual and
financial blackmail held over President Trump, which
they used to compel him to obediently obey their
dictates. “I don’t know what the Russians have on
the president, politically, personally, or
financially” was the dark innuendo which House
Speaker Nancy Pelosi and her media allies most loved
to
spout. “Prestige news” outlets created their own
Q-Anon-level series of art designed to implant in
Americans’ minds a slew of McCarthyite imagery
showing the Kremlin (or an iconic Moscow cathedral
they
mistook for the Kremlin) having fully
infiltrated Washington’s key institutions.
But that all came crashing down on their heads in
April, 2019, when Mueller announced that he was
closing his investigation without charging even
a single American with the criminal conspiracy
that launched the entire spectacle: criminally
conspiring with the Russian government to interfere
in the election. Again: while Mueller — like so many
Washington special counsels before him — ended up
snaring some operatives in alleged process crimes
committed after the investigation commenced
(lying to the FBI and obstruction of justice) or
unrelated crimes (Manafort’s financial sleaze), the
18-month aggressive, sprawling investigation
resulted in exactly zero criminal charges
on the core claim that Trump officials had
criminally conspired with Russia.
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If that were not sufficient to make every person
who drowned the country in this crazed conspiracy
theory feel enormous shame (and it should have
been), the former FBI Director’s final Report
explicitly stated that “the investigation did
not establish that members of the Trump campaign
conspired or coordinated with the Russian government
in its election.” In many cases, the Report went
even further than this “did not establish”
formulation to state that there was no evidence
of any kind found for many of the key media
conspiracies (“The investigation did not
identify evidence that any U.S. persons
knowingly or intentionally coordinated with the
IRA’s interference operation”; the “evidence does
not establish that one campaign official’s efforts
to dilute a portion of the Republican platform was
undertaken at the behest of candidate Trump or
Russia”; “the investigation did not establish that
[Carter] Page coordinated with the Russian
government in its efforts to interfere in the 2016
presidential election”). The Report also barely even
dignified let alone confirmed the long-standing,
utterly deranged Democratic/media conspiracy theory
that the Kremlin had taken over U.S. policy through
blackmail.
For a few weeks following the issuance of the
Mueller report, Democrats and media figures
gamely attempted to deny that it obliterated the
conspiracy theories to which they had
relentlessly subjected the country for the prior
four years. How could they do otherwise? They
staked their entire reputations and the trust of
their audience on having this be true. To avoid
their day of reckoning, they would hype
ancillary events such as Paul Manafort’s
conviction on unrelated financial crimes or
Michael Flynn’s guilty plea for a minor and
dubious charge (for which even Mueller
recommended no prison time) or Roger Stone’s
various process charges to insist that there was
still a grain of truth to their multifaceted
geopolitical fairy tale seemingly lifted
straight from a Tom Clancy Cold War thriller
about the world’s two largest nuclear powers.
But even they knew this was just a temporary
survival strategy and that it was unsustainable for
the long term. That the crux of the scandal all
along was that key Trump allies if not the President
himself would be indicted and imprisoned for having
conspired with the Russians was too glaring to make
people forget about it.
That was why former CIA Director John Brennan
assured the MSNBC audience in March — just weeks
before Mueller closed his investigation with no
conspiracy crimes alleged — that it was impossible
that the investigation could close without first
indicting Trump’s children and other key White House
aides on what Brennan correctly said was the whole
point of the scandal from the start: “criminal
conspiracy involving the Russians . . . . whether or
not U.S. persons were actively collaborating,
colluding, cooperating, involved in a conspiracy
with them or not.” Brennan strongly insinuated that
among those likely to be indicted for criminally
conspiring with the Russians were those “from the
Trump family.”
As we all know, literally none of that happened.
Not only were Trump family members not indicted by
Mueller on charges of “criminal conspiracy involving
the Russians,” no Americans were. Brennan believed
there was no way that the Mueller investigation
could end without that happening because that was
the whole point of the scandal from the
start. To explain why it had not happened up to that
point after eighteen months of investigation by
Mueller’s subpoena-armed and very zealous team of
prosecutors, Brennan invented a theory that they
were waiting to do that as the final act because
they knew they would be fired by Trump once it
happened. But it never happened because Mueller
found no evidence to prove that it did.
In other words, the conspiracy theory that the
media pushed on Americans since before Trump’s
inauguration — to the point where it drowned out
most of U.S. politics and policy for years — proved
to have no evidentiary foundation. And that is one
reason I say that the sectors of the media
pretending to be most distraught at the spread of
“disinformation” by anonymous citizens on Facebook
and 4Chan are, in fact, the most aggressive,
prolific and destructive disseminators of that
disinformation by far (nor was it uncredentialed
YouTube hosts, Patreon podcasters or Substack
writers who convinced Americans to believe that
Saddam Hussein possessed nuclear weapons and was in
an alliance with Al Qaeda but rather the
editor-heavy prestige outlets such as The New
York Times, The New Yorker, NBC
News and The Atlantic).
With the crux of the Russiagate conspiracy theory
collapsed, U.S. media outlets began acknowledging —
because they had to — that none of it was vindicated
by Mueller’s report. To do so, they abruptly
nullified a rule that had been in place since
Mueller’s appointment: one may not speak ill of
the former FBI Director because he is a patriotic
man of the highest integrity and to malign him is to
undermine the Brave Men and Women of the FBI Who
Keep Us Safe. The only self-preservation tactic
they could find to salvage their credibility was to
turn on Mueller, quite viciously. Overnight, the
storyline emerged: the conspiracy theory we pushed
on you was correct all along, but Mueller was a
coward and failed in his patriotic duty to say so.
While the hypocrisy of watching a media that for
months demanded reverence for Mueller turn on a dime
to accuse him of being a borderline-senile,
unpatriotic coward was quite amazing, it was at
least some progress toward acknowledging the
undeniable reality that the media had collectively
failed. Their dark conspiracies and predictions of
doom were pipe dreams. They flooded the country with
disinformation for years about all of this. And
while they characteristically engaged in exactly
zero self-reflection or self-critique — preferring
to heap all the blame on Mueller instead for failing
to find the evidence that is still out there
of their cognitive derangements — it at least
consecrated the fact that this scandal ended in
humiliation for them.
When I created my top ten list
of media Russiagate debacles, choosing the top ten
was difficult but choosing the top spot was not. It
is worth briefly revisiting that particular
journalistic humiliation because of what it reveals
about ongoing media behavior.
On the morning of December 8, 2017, CNN
went on the air with one of the most cataclysmic
and breathless scoops of the entire Russiagate saga.
The network hauled out all of its most melodramatic
graphics, music and host voice-tones to signify that
this was it: the smoking gun, the ultimate
bombshell, the final nail in the coffin, inescapable
proof for their conspiracy theory. The big huge
scoop notably came from its Congressional reporter
Manu Raju (one of the favorite dumping grounds for
false leaks by leading House Democrat Russiagate
fanatics such as Rep. Adam Schiff and Eric Swalwell
(D-CA)).
According to this historic CNN revelation, a
stunning and incriminating email had been obtained
by “congressional investigators,” and “multiple
sources” conveyed its contents to CNN. This email
proved, said CNN, that Donald Trump Jr. was
given advance access to the archive of DNC
and Podesta emails ultimately published by WikiLeaks
on September 14, 2016. This earth-shattering email
to Trump, Jr. was dated September 4 — ten days
before WikiLeaks began publishing — and this,
in the minds of CNN, proved somehow that the Trump
campaign was in on the plot from the start.
Now, even if Trump had been shown the archive in
advance by WikiLeaks or someone else, it would not
have remotely proven that the Trump campaign was a
participant in the plot, but let us not get detained
on that hypothetical. The CNN story was
treated by the entire liberal sector of the press as
the most devastating and incriminating evidence yet
produced to prove the truth of the Russiagate
conspiracy theory, with one particularly loyal
Democratic partisan-writer using an image of a
nuclear explosion to convey its significance:
As it turns out, there was one small problem
with the CNN story: it was completely
and utterly false. The email to Trump, Jr. on
which the entire bombshell was based was sent
after WikiLeaks began publishing the
archive, not before. And it was sent not by some
super-secret inside source with the Kremlin or
WikiLeaks, but by a random member of the public
who, having read about the WikiLeaks
publications in the newspaper, emailed Trump,
Jr. to encourage him to take a look.
How “multiple sources” all got the date on the
email wrong — mis-reading it as September 4 rather
than the real date of the email: September 14 — was
never explained by CNN. That is because corporate
media outlets believe they owe the public no
explanation or accountability for the massive errors
they commit.
But what was most notable about this episode is
that it was not just CNN which reported this
fraudulent story. An hour or so after the network
shook the political world with its
graphics-and-music-shaped bombshell, other news
networks — including MSNBC and CBS News
— claimed that they had obtained what they called
“independent confirmation” that the story was true.
All of these media outlets, reading Orwell as if
it is an instruction manual, have now scrubbed most
of the humiliating videos where they did this from
the internet. But one can still watch
here as NBC News’ national security
reporter and long-time
de facto
CIA spokesman Ken Dilanian breathlessly tells an
MSNBC host, who herself can barely maintain her
composure, that he has spoken with “sources” who
have provided independent confirmation of the CNN
story, thus adding NBC News’ imprimatur to
it. Shortly thereafter, CBS News did the
same.
All of this prompted the obvious question: how
could MSNBC and CBS News have both
purported to “independently confirm” a CNN
bombshell that was completely false? The reason this
matters is because the term “independently confirm”
significantly bolsters the credibility of the
initial report because it makes it appear that other
credible-to-some news organizations have conducted
their own investigation and found more evidence that
proves it is true. That is the purpose of the
exercise: to bolster the credibility of the story in
the minds of the public.
But what actually happens is as deceitful as it
is obvious. When a news outlet such as NBC News
claims to have “independently corroborated” a report
from another corporate outlet, they often do not
mean that they searched for and acquired
corroborating evidence for it. What they mean is
much more tawdry: they called, or were called by,
the same anonymous sources that fed CNN the
false story in the first place, and were fed the
same false story. And just as CNN did — repeated
what they were told (almost certainly by Democratic
Congressional members and/or their staff) without
independently investigating it, because they knew
any anti-Trump story would please their partisan
audience — NBC News pretended they had
obtained “independent confirmation” when all they
had done was speak to the same sources that fed CNN.
This episode is so worth recalling not only
because it is one of the most stunning and pathetic
media humiliations of the Trump era — though it is
that — but also because the shoddy tactic that drove
it is still in full use by the same media outlets.
We just saw proof of that again with a major
Washington Post “correction” — which should be
called a retraction — of one of the most-discussed
news stories of the last six months: the Post’s
claims about what Trump said when he called a
Georgia election official while he was still
contesting the 2020 election results.
On January 9, The Washington Post
published a story reporting that an anonymous
source claimed that on December 23, Trump spoke by
phone with Frances Watson, the chief investigator of
the Georgia Secretary of State’s office, and
directed her that she must “find the fraud” and
promised her she would be “a national hero” if she
did so. The paper insisted that those were actual
quotes of what Trump said. This time, it was CNN
purporting to independently confirm the
Post’s reporting, affirming that Trump said
these words “according to a source with knowledge of
the call.”
But late last week, The Wall Street Journal
obtained a recording of that call, and those
quotes attributed to Trump do not appear. As a
result, The Washington Post — two months
after its original story that predictably spread
like wildfire throughout the entire media ecosystem
— has appended a correction at the top of its
original story. Politico’s Alex Thompson
correctly
pronounced these errors “real bad” because of
how widely they spread and were endorsed by other
major media outlets.
This is a different species of journalistic
malpractice than mere journalistic falsehoods. As I
detailed in February and again
two weeks ago, the U.S. public was inundated for
weeks with an utterly false yet horrifying story —
that a barbaric pro-Trump mob had savagely murdered
Capitol Police Officer Brian Sicknick by bashing his
skull in with a fire extinguisher. That false tale
about the only person said to have been killed at
the January 6 riot other than pro-Trump supporters
emanated from a New York Times
report based on the claims of “two anonymous law
enforcement officials.”
As it turns out, Sicknick’s autopsy
revealed that he suffered no blunt trauma, and
two men arrested this week were charged not with
murder but assault and conspiracy to injure an
officer: for using an unidentified gas. In reporting
those arrests, even The New York Times
acknowledged that “prosecutors stopped short of
linking the attack to Officer Sicknick’s death the
next day” because “both officers and rioters
deployed spray, mace and other irritants during the
attack” and “it remains unclear whether Officer
Sicknick died because of his exposure to the spray.”
Many liberals defenders of these corporate media
outlets insist that these major factual errors do
not matter because the basic narrative — Trump and
his supporters at the Capitol are bad people who did
bad things — is still true. But these errors are
enormous. That Trump, Jr. received that email from a
random member of the public after WikiLeaks
began publicly publishing documents transforms the
story from smoking gun to irrelevant. That Trump did
not utter the extremely incriminating quotes
attributed to him in that call at least permits
debate about whether he did anything wrong there and
what his intent was (encouraging the official to
find the fraud he genuinely believed was there or
pressuring her to manufacture claims with threats
and promises of reward). And there is, manifestly, a
fundamental difference in both intent and morality
between deliberately murdering someone by repeatedly
bashing their skull in with a fire extinguisher and
using a non-lethal crowd-control spray frequently
used at protests even if it is ultimately proven
that the spray is what caused Officer Sicknick’s
death (which is why those two acts would carry
vastly different punishments under the law).
But all of this highlights the real crisis in
journalism, the reason public faith and trust in
media institutions
is in free fall. With liberal media outlets
deliberately embracing a profit model of speaking
overwhelmingly to
partisan Democrats who use them as their primary
source of news, there is zero cost to publishing
false claims about people and groups hated by that
liberal audience.
That audience does not care if these media
outlets publish false stories as long as it is done
for the Greater Good of harming their political
enemies, and this ethos has contaminated newsrooms
as well. Given human fallibility, reporting errors
are normal and inevitable, but when they are all
geared toward advancing one political agenda or
faction and undermining the other, they cease to be
errors and become a deliberate strategy or, at best,
systemic recklessness.
But whatever else is true, it is vital to
understand what news outlets mean when they claim
they have “independently verified” the
uncorroborated reports of other similar outlets. It
means nothing of consequence. In many if not most
cases — enough to make this formulation totally
unreliable — it signifies nothing more than their
willingness to serve as stenographers for the same
anonymous political operatives who fed their
competitors similar propaganda.
Glenn Greenwald is a journalist,
constitutional lawyer, and author of four New York
Times bestselling books on politics and law. His
most recent book, “No Place to Hide,” is about the
U.S. surveillance state and his experiences
reporting on the Snowden documents around the world.
Prior to co-founding The Intercept, Greenwald’s
column was featured in The Guardian and Salon.
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