February 28, 2021 "Information
Clearing House" - Moscow is painfully
aware that the US/NATO “strategy” of containment of
Russia is already reaching fever pitch. Again.
This past Wednesday, at a very important meeting
with the Federal Security Service board, President
Putin laid it all out in stark terms:
We are up against
the so-called policy of containing Russia. This
is not about competition, which is a natural
thing for international relations. This is about
a consistent and quite aggressive policy aimed
at disrupting our development, slowing it down,
creating problems along the outer perimeter,
triggering domestic instability, undermining the
values that unite Russian society, and
ultimately to weaken Russia and put it under
external control, just the way we are witnessing
it transpire in some countries in the
post-Soviet space.
Not without a touch of wickedness, Putin added
this was no exaggeration: “In fact, you don’t need
to be convinced of this as you yourselves know it
perfectly well, perhaps even better than anybody
else.”
The Kremlin is very much aware “containment” of
Russia focuses on its perimeter: Ukraine, Georgia
and Central Asia. And the ultimate target remains
regime change.
Putin’s remarks may also be interpreted as an
indirect answer to a section of President Biden’s
speech at the Munich Security Conference.
According to Biden’s scriptwriters,
Putin seeks to weaken the European project
and the NATO alliance because it is much easier
for the Kremlin to intimidate individual
countries than to negotiate with the united
transatlantic community … The Russian
authorities want others to think that our system
is just as corrupt or even more corrupt.
A clumsy, direct personal attack against the head
of state of a major nuclear power does not exactly
qualify as sophisticated diplomacy. At least it
glaringly shows how trust between Washington and
Moscow is now reduced to less than zero. As much as
Biden’s Deep State handlers refuse to see Putin as a
worthy negotiating partner, the Kremlin and the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs have already dismissed
Washington as “non-agreement capable.”
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Once again, this is all about sovereignty.
The “unfriendly attitude towards Russia,” as
Putin defined it, extends to “other independent,
sovereign centers of global development.” Read
it as mainly China and Iran. All these three
sovereign states happen to be categorized as top
“threats” by the US National Security Strategy.
Yet Russia is the real nightmare for the
Exceptionalists: Orthodox Christian, thus appealing
to swaths of the West; consolidated as major
Eurasian power; a military, hypersonic superpower;
and boasting unrivaled diplomatic skills,
appreciated all across the Global South.
In contrast, there’s not much left for the deep
state except endlessly demonizing both Russia and
China to justify a Western military build-up, the
“logic” inbuilt in a new strategic concept named
NATO 2030: United for a New Era.
The experts behind the concept hailed it as an
“implicit” response to French President Emmanuel
Macron’s declaring NATO “brain dead.”
Well, at least the concept proves Macron was
right.
Those barbarians from the East
Crucial questions about sovereignty and Russian
identity have been a recurrent theme in Moscow these
past few weeks. And that brings us to February 17,
when Putin met with Duma political leaders, from the
Liberal Democratic Party’s Vladimir Zhirinovsky –
enjoying a new popularity surge – to United Russia’s
Sergei Mironov, as well as State Duma speaker
Vyacheslav Volodin.
Putin stressed the “multi-ethnic and
multi-religious” character of Russia, now in “a
different environment that is free of ideology”:
It is important for all ethnic groups, even
the smallest ones, to know that this is their
Motherland with no other for them, that they are
protected here and are prepared to lay down
their lives in order to protect this country.
This is in the interests of us all, regardless
of ethnicity, including the Russian people.
Yet Putin’s most extraordinary remark had to do
with ancient Russian history:
Barbarians came from the East and destroyed
the Christian Orthodox empire. But before the
barbarians from the East, as you well know, the
crusaders came from the West and weakened this
Orthodox Christian empire, and only then were
the last blows dealt, and it was conquered. This
is what happened … We must remember these
historical events and never forget them.
Well, this could be enough material to generate a
1,000-page treatise. Instead, let’s try, at least,
to – concisely – unpack it.
The Great Eurasian Steppe – one of the largest
geographical formations on the planet – stretches
from the lower Danube all the way to the Yellow
River. The running joke across Eurasia is that “Keep
Walking” can be performed back to back. For most of
recorded history this has been Nomad Central: tribe
upon tribe raiding at the margins, or sometimes at
the hubs of the heartland: China, Iran, the
Mediterranean.
The Scythians (see, for instance, the magisterial
The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe,
by Barry Cunliffe) arrived at the Pontic steppe from
beyond the Volga. After the Scythians, it was the
turn of the Sarmatians to show up in South Russia.
From the 4th century onward, nomad
Eurasia was a vortex of marauding tribes, featuring,
among others, the Huns in the 4th and 5th
centuries, the Khazars in the 7th
century, the Kumans in the 11th century,
all the way to the Mongol avalanche in the 13th
century.
The plot line always pitted nomads against
peasants. Nomads ruled – and exacted tribute. G
Vernadsky, in his invaluable Ancient Russia,
shows how “the Scythian Empire may be described
sociologically as a domination of the nomadic horde
over neighboring tribes of agriculturists.”
As part of my multi-pronged research on nomad
empires for a future volume, I call them Badass
Barbarians on Horseback. The stars of the show
include, in Europe, in chronological order,
Cimmerians, Scythians, Sarmatians, Huns, Khazars,
Hungarians, Peshenegs, Seljuks, Mongols and their
Tatar descendants; and, in Asia, Hu, Xiongnu,
Hephtalites, Turks, Uighurs, Tibetans, Kirghiz,
Khitan, Mongols, Turks (again), Uzbeks and Manchu.
Arguably, since the hegemonic Scythian era (the
first protagonists of the Silk Road), most of the
peasants in southern and central Russia were Slav.
But there were major differences. The Slavs west of
Kiev were under the influence of Germania and Rome.
East of Kiev, they were influenced by Persian
civilization.
It’s always important to remember that the
Vikings were still nomads when they became rulers in
Slav lands. Their civilization in fact prevailed
over sedentary peasants – even as they absorbed many
of their customs.
Interestingly enough, the gap between steppe
nomads and agriculture in proto-Russia was not as
steep as between intensive agriculture in China and
the interlocked steppe economy in Mongolia.
(For an engaging Marxist interpretation of
nomadism, see A N Khazanov’s Nomads and the
Outside World).
The sheltering sky
What about power? For Turk and Mongol nomads, who
came centuries after the Scythians, power emanated
from the sky. The Khan ruled by authority of the
“Eternal Sky” – as we all see when we delve into the
adventures of Genghis and Kublai. By implication, as
there is only one sky, the Khan would have to exert
universal power. Welcome to the idea of universal
empire.
In Persia, things were slightly more complex. The
Persian Empire was all about Sun worship: that
became the conceptual basis for the divine right of
the King of Kings. The implications were immense, as
the King now became sacred. This model influenced
Byzantium – which, after all, was always interacting
with Persia.
Christianity made the Kingdom of Heaven more
important than ruling over the temporal domain.
Still, the idea of Universal Empire persisted,
incarnated in the concept of Pantocrator:
it was the Christ who ultimately ruled, and his
deputy on earth was the Emperor. But Byzantium
remained a very special case: the Emperor could
never be an equal to God. After all, he was human.
Putin is certainly very much aware that the
Russian case is extremely complex. Russia
essentially is on the margins of three
civilizations. It’s part of Europe – reasons
including everything from the ethnic origin of Slavs
to achievements in history, music and literature.
Russia is also part of Byzantium from a religious
and artistic angle (but not part of the subsequent
Ottoman empire, with which it was in military
competition). And Russia was influenced by Islam
coming from Persia.
Then there’s the crucial influence of nomads. A
serious case can be made that they have been
neglected by scholars. The Mongol rule for a century
and a half, of course, is part of the official
historiography – but perhaps not given its due
importance. And the nomads in southern and central
Russia two millennia ago were never properly
acknowledged.
So Putin may have hit a nerve. What he said
points to the idealization of a later period of
Russian history from the late 9th to
early 13th century: Kievan Rus. In
Russia, 19th century Romanticism and 20th
century nationalism actively built an idealized
national identity.
The interpretation of Kievan Rus poses tremendous
problems – that’s something I eagerly discussed in
St. Petersburg a few years ago. There are rare
literary sources – and they concentrate mostly on
the 12th century afterwards. The earlier
sources are foreigners, mostly Persians and Arabs.
Russian conversion to Christianity and its
concomitant superb architecture have been
interpreted as evidence of a high cultural standard.
In a nutshell, scholars ended up using Western
Europe as the model for the reconstruction of Kievan
Rus civilization.
It was never so simple. A good example is the
discrepancy between Novgorod and Kiev. Novgorod was
closer to the Baltic than the Black Sea, and had
closer interaction with Scandinavia and the
Hanseatic towns. Compare it with Kiev, which was
closer to steppe nomads and Byzantium – not to
mention Islam.
Kievan Rus was a fascinating crossover. Nomadic
tribal traditions – on administration, taxes, the
justice system – were prevalent. But on religion,
they imitated Byzantium. It’s also relevant that
until the end of the 12th century,
assorted steppe nomads were a constant “threat” to
southeast Kievan Rus.
So as much as Byzantium – and, later on, even the
Ottoman Empire – supplied models for Russian
institutions, the fact is the nomads, starting with
the Scythians, influenced the economy, the social
system and most of all, the military approach.
Watch the Khan
Sima Qian, the master Chinese historian, has
shown how the Khan had two “kings,” who each had two
generals, and thus in succession, all the way to
commanders of a hundred, a thousand and ten thousand
men. This is essentially the same system used for a
millennia and a half by nomads, from the Scythians
to the Mongols, all the way to Tamerlane’s army at
the end of the 14th century.
The Mongol invasions – 1221 and then 1239-1243 –
were indeed the major game-changer. As master
analyst Sergei Karaganov told me in his office in
late 2018, they influenced Russian society for
centuries afterwards.
For over 200 years Russian princes had to visit
the Mongol headquarters in the Volga to pay tribute.
One scholarly strand has qualified it as
“barbarization”; that seems to be Putin’s view.
According to that strand, the incorporation of
Mongol values may have “reversed” Russian society to
what it was before the first drive to adopt
Christianity.
The inescapable conclusion is that when Muscovy
emerged in the late 15th century as the
dominant power in Russia, it was essentially the
successor of the Mongols.
And because of that the peasantry – the sedentary
population – were not touched by “civilization”
(time to re-read Tolstoy?). Nomad Power and values,
as strong as they were, survived Mongol rule for
centuries.
Well, if a moral can be derived from our short
parable, it’s not exactly a good idea for
“civilized” NATO to pick a fight with the – lateral
– heirs of the Great Khan.
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