And then, last Friday, right before the start of
the Year of the Metal Ox, came the bombshell,
delivered with customary aplomb by Russian Foreign
Minister Sergey Lavrov.
In an interview with popular talk show host
Vladimir Solovyov – with the
full transcript published by the Russian
Ministry of Foreign Affairs – Lavrov said Moscow
“must be ready” for a possible “break with the
European Union.”
The ominous break would be a direct result of new
EU sanctions, particularly those “that create risks
for our economy, including in the most sensitive
areas.” And then, the Sun Tzu-style clincher: “If
you want peace, prepare for war.”
Kremlin spokesperson Dmitri Peskov, afterwards,
made sure to explain that Lavrov was taken out of
context: the media, predictably, had seized on a
“sensational” headline.
So Lavrov’s full, nuanced answer to a question
about rocky EU-Russia relations must be carefully
examined:
“We believe we would be ready for this. We
are neighbors. Speaking collectively, they are
our largest trade and investment partner. Many
EU companies operate here; there are hundreds or
even thousands of joint ventures. When a
business benefits both sides, we will continue.
I am sure that we have become fully
self-sufficient in the defense sphere. We must
also attain the same position in the economy to
be able to act accordingly if we see again (we
have seen this more than once) that sanctions
are imposed in a sphere where they can create
risks for our economy, including in the most
sensitive areas such as the supply of component
parts. We don’t want to be isolated from the
world, but we must be prepared for this. If you
want peace, prepare for war.”
It’s quite clear that Lavrov is not stating that
Russia will unilaterally cut off relations with the
EU. The ball is actually in the EU’s court: Moscow
is stating that it will not exercise a first-strike
option to break relations with the Brussels
eurocracy. And that in itself would also be quite
different from breaking relations with any of the 27
EU member-states.
The context Peskov referred to is also clear: EU
envoy Josep Borrell, after his disastrous trip to
Moscow, had raised the issue that Brussels was
weighing the imposition of further sanctions.
Lavrov’s response was clearly designed to drum some
sense into the thick heads of the European
Commission (EC), run by notoriously incompetent
former German defense minister Ursula von der Leyen
and her foreign policy “chief” Borrell.
Earlier this week, Peskov was forced to come back
incisively to the volcanic saga: “Regrettably,
Brussels keeps talking about sanctions, so does the
United States with maniacal persistency. This is
something we will never welcome. It is something
that we do not like at all.”
Talk about diplomatic euphemism.
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So the stage is set for a raucous – to say the
least – meeting of EU foreign ministers next Monday,
where they will discuss – what else? – possible new
sanctions. Those most probably would include travel
bans and asset freezes on selected Russians,
including people very close to the Kremlin, blamed
by the EU to be responsible for the jailing earlier
this month of right-wing blogger and convicted
fraudster (a scam against Yves Rocher) Alexei
Navalny.
The overwhelming majority of Russians see Navalny
– with a popularity rate of 2% at best – as a lowly,
expendable NATO asset. The meeting next week will
pave the way for the summit of member state leaders
at the end of March, where the EU could – and that’s
the operative word – formally approve new sanctions.
That would require a unanimous decision by the EU’s
27 member states.
As it stands, apart from the stridently
Russophobic usual suspects – Poland and the Baltics
– it doesn’t appear Brussels is aiming to shoot
itself in the back.
Remember Leibniz
EU observers obviously have not been observing
how Moscow’s pragmatic view of Brussels has evolved
in the past few years.
Russia-EU trade will continue, no matter what.
The EU badly needs Russian energy; and Russia is
willing to sell it, oil and gas, pipelines and all.
That’s strictly business. If the EU doesn’t want it
– for a basket of reasons – no problem: Russia is
developing a steady stream of businesses, energy
included, all across East Asia.
The always relevant Valdai Discussion Club, a
Moscow-based think tank, for instance, is
carefully tracking the trade aspect of the
Russia-China strategic partnership:
“US policy will continue to seek a split
between China and Russia. Europe remains an
important partner for Moscow and Beijing. The
situation in Central Asia is stable, but it
requires the building up of Russian-Chinese
cooperation.”
Putin, laterally, also
weighed in
on the EU-Russia saga, which is a subtext of
that perennial battle between Russia and the West:
“As soon as we began to stabilize, to get back to
our feet – the policy of deterrence followed
immediately… And as we grew stronger, this policy of
deterrence was being conducted more and more
intensely.”
Peter Spengler also called attention to
Leibniz’s Novissima
Sinica, and particularly to an essay by Manfred
von Boetticher on
Leibniz and Russia, represented by Tsar Peter
the Great, in which the role of Russia as a bridge
between Europe and China is emphasized.
Even though Leibniz, in the end, never met Peter
the Great, we learn that “it was always Leibniz’s
goal to get practical application for his
theoretical findings. Throughout his life, he was
looking for a ‘great potentate’ who was open to
modern ideas and with whose help he could realize
his ideas of a better world. In the age of
absolutism, this seemed to be the most promising
perspective for a scholar for whom the progress of
science and technology as well as the improvement of
education and economic conditions were urgent
goals.”
“Tsar Peter, who was as powerful as he was
open to all new plans and whose personality
fascinated him anyway, must therefore have been
an extraordinarily interesting contact for
Leibniz. Since Western Europe had come into
closer contact with China through the Jesuit
mission and Leibniz had recognized the
importance of the millennia-old Chinese culture,
he also saw in Russia the natural link between
the European and Chinese cultural spheres, the
center of a future synthesis between the Orient
and the Occident. With the emerging upheavals in
the Russian Empire, his hopes seemed to be
fulfilled: Full of expectation, he followed the
changes in Russia, as they were emerging under
Peter I.”
Yet to evoke Leibniz at this stage is to dream of
heavenly spheres. The pedestrian geopolitical
reality is that the EU is an Atlanticist institution
– de facto subordinated to NATO. Lavrov might want
to behave like a Daoist monk, or even pull a
Leibniz, but it’s hard when you’re forced to deal
with a bunch of dummies.
It’s all about sovereignty
Rabid Atlanticists argue that non-entity Navalny
is directly related to Nord Stream 2. Nonsense:
Navalny was built (italics mine) by the
usual suspects as a battering ram to undermine Nord
Stream 2.
The reason is that the pipeline will consolidate
Berlin at the core of the EU’s energy policy. And
that will be a major factor in the EU’s overall
foreign policy – with Germany, at least in theory,
exercising more autonomy in relation to the US.
So here’s the “dirty” secret: it’s all a matter
of sovereignty. Every geopolitical and geoeconomic
player knows who does not want a closer
Germany-Russia entente.
Now imagine a hegemonic Germany in Europe forging
closer trade and investment ties with not only
Russia but also China (and that’s the other “secret”
inbuilt in the EU-China trade-investment deal).
So whoever is lodged in the White House, there’s
nothing else to expect from the US Deep State apart
from the “maniacal” push towards perennial,
accumulated sanctions.
The ball is actually in Berlin’s court, much more
than in the court of eurocratic nightmare Brussels,
where everyone’s future priority amounts to
receiving their full, fat retirement pensions
tax-free.
Berlin’s strategic priority is more exports –
within the EU and most of all to Asia. German
industrialists and the business classes know exactly
what Nord Stream 2 represents: increasingly
assertive German sovereignty guiding the heart of
the EU, which translates as increased EU
sovereignty.
An immensely significant sign has been recently
delivered by Berlin with the approval granted for
imports of the Sputnik vaccine.
Is Musil’s sense of possibility already in play?
It’s too early to tell. The hegemon has unleashed a
no-holds-barred hybrid war against Russia since
2014. This war may not be kinetic; roughly, it’s 70%
financial and 30% infowar.
A more sovereign Germany closer to Russia and
China may be the straw that breaks the hegemon’s
back
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