The contours of China's long-term
strategy for the new Cold War are quickly coming
into view
By Pepe Escobar
August 25, 2020 "Information
Clearing House" -
Let’s start with the story of an incredibly
disappearing summit.
Every August, the
leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
converges to the town of Beidaihe, a seaside resort
some two hours away from Beijing, to discuss serious
policies that then coalesce into key planning
strategies to be approved at the CCP Central
Committee plenary session in October.
The Beidaihe ritual was established by none other
than Great Helmsman
Mao, who loved the town where, not by
accident, Emperor
Qin, the unifier of China in the 3rd
century B.C., kept a palace.
2020 being, so far, a notorious Year of Living
Dangerously, it’s no surprise that in the end
Beidaihe was nowhere to be seen. Yet Beidaihe’s
invisibility does not mean it did not happen.
Exhibit 1 was the fact that
Premier Li Keqiang
simply disappeared from public view for nearly two
weeks – after President Xi chaired a
crucial Politburo gathering in late July where
what was laid out was no less than China’s whole
development strategy for the next 15 years.
Li Keqiang resurfaced by chairing a special
session of the all-powerful State Council, just as
the CCP’s top ideologue,
Wang Huning
– who happens to be number 5 in the Politburo –
showed up as the special guest at a meeting of the
All China Youth Federation.
What’s even more intriguing is that side by side
with Wang, one would find
Ding Xuexiang,
none other than President Xi’s chief of staff, as
well as three other Politburo members.
In this “now you see them, now you don’t”
variation, the fact that they all showed up in
unison after an absence of nearly two weeks led
sharp Chinese observers to conclude that Beidaihe in
fact had taken place. Even if no visible signs of
political action by the seaside had been detected.
The semi-official spin is that no get-together
happened at Beidaihe because of Covid-19.
Yet it’s Exhibit 2 that may clinch the deal for
good. The by now famous end of July Politburo
meeting chaired by Xi in fact sealed the Central
Committee plenary session in October. Translation:
the contours of the strategic road map ahead had
already been approved by consensus. There was no
need to retreat to Beidaihe for further discussions.
Trial balloons or official policy?
The plot thickens when one takes into
consideration a series of trial balloons that
started to float a few days ago in select Chinese
media. Here are some of the key points.
- On the trade war front, Beijing won’t shut
down US businesses already operating in China.
But companies which want to enter the market in
finance, information technology, healthcare and
education services will not be approved.
- Beijing won’t dump all its overwhelming mass
of US Treasuries in one go, but – as it already
happens – divestment will accelerate. Last year,
that amounted to $100 billion. Up to the end of
2020, that could reach $300 billion.
- The internationalization of the yuan, also
predictably, will be accelerated. That will
include configuring the final parameters for
clearing US dollars through the CHIPS Chinese
system – foreseeing the incandescent possibility
Beijing might be cut off from SWIFT by the Trump
administration or whoever will be in power at
the White House after January 2021.
- On what is largely interpreted across China
as the “full spectrum war” front, mostly Hybrid
War, the PLA has been put into Stage 3 alert –
and all leaves are canceled for the rest of
2020. There will be a concerted drive to
increase all-round defense spending to 4% of GDP
and accelerate the development of nuclear
weapons. Details are bound to emerge during the
Central Committee meeting in October.
- The overall emphasis is on a very Chinese
spirit of self-reliance, and building what can
be defined as a national economic “dual
circulation” system: the consolidation of the
Eurasian integration project running in parallel
to a global yuan settlement mechanism.
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Inbuilt in this drive is what has been described as “to firmly abandon all illusions about the United States and conduct war mobilization with our people. We shall vigorously promote the war to resist US aggression (…) We will use a war mindset to steer the national economy (…) Prepare for the complete interruption of relations with the US.”
It’s unclear as it stands if these are only trial
balloons disseminated across Chinese public opinion
or decisions reached at the “invisible” Beidaihe. So
all eyes will be on what kind of language this
alarming configuration will be packaged when the
Central Committee presents its strategic planning in
October. Significantly, that will happen only a few
weeks before the US election.
It’s all about continuity
All of the above somewhat mirrors a recent debate
in Amsterdam on what constitutes the Chinese
“threat” to the West. Here are the key points.
- China constantly reinforces its hybrid
economic model – which is an absolute rarity,
globally: neither totally publicly owned nor a
market economy.
- The level of patriotism is staggering: once
the Chinese face a foreign enemy, 1.4 billion
people act as one.
- National mechanisms have tremendous force:
absolutely nothing blocks the full use of
China’s financial, material and manpower
resources once a policy is set.
- China has set up the most comprehensive,
back to back industrial system on the planet,
without foreign interference if need be (well,
there’s always the matter of semiconductors to
Huawei to be solved).
China plans not only in years, but in decades.
Five year plans are complemented by ten year plans
and as the meeting chaired by Xi showed, 15 year
plans. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is in fact
a nearly 40-year plan, designed in 2013 to be
completed in 2049.
And continuity is the name of the game – when one
thinks that the
Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, first
developed in 1949 and then expanded by Zhou Enlai at
the Bandung conference in 1955 are set in stone as
China’s foreign policy guidelines.
The
Qiao collective, an independent group that
advances the role of qiao (“bridge”) by the
strategically important huaqiao (“overseas
Chinese”) is on point when they note that Beijing
never proclaimed a Chinese model as a solution to
global problems. What they extol is Chinese
solutions to specific Chinese conditions.
A forceful point is also made that historical
materialism is incompatible with capitalist liberal
democracy forcing austerity and regime change on
national systems, shaping them towards preconceived
models.
That always comes back to the core of the CCP
foreign policy: each nation must chart a course fit
for its national conditions.
And that reveals the full contours of what can be
reasonably described as a Centralized Meritocracy
with Confucian, Socialist Characteristics: a
different civilization paradigm that the
“indispensable nation” still refuses to accept, and
certainly won’t abolish by practicing Hybrid War.
Pepe Escobar is
correspondent-at-large at
Asia Times.
His latest book is
2030. Follow him on
Facebook.-