By Jonathan Cook
August 21, 2020 "Information
Clearing House" - When the Palestinian
actor Mohammed Bakri made a documentary about Jenin
in 2002 – filming immediately after the Israeli army
had completed rampaging through the West Bank city,
leaving death and destruction in its wake – he chose
an unusual narrator for the opening scene: a mute
Palestinian youth.
Jenin had been sealed off from the world for
nearly three weeks as the Israeli army razed the
neighbouring refugee camp and terrorised its
population.
Bakri’s film Jenin, Jenin shows the
young man hurrying silently between wrecked
buildings, using his nervous body to illustrate
where Israeli soldiers shot Palestinians and where
bulldozers collapsed homes, sometimes on their
inhabitants.
It was not hard to infer Bakri’s larger meaning:
when it comes to their own story, Palestinians are
denied a voice. They are silent witnesses to their
own and their people’s suffering and abuse.
The irony is that Bakri has faced just such a
fate himself since Jenin, Jenin was
released 18 years ago. Today, little is remembered
of his film, or the shocking crimes it recorded,
except for the endless legal battles to keep it off
screens.
Bakri has been tied up in Israel’s courts ever
since, accused of defaming the soldiers who carried
out the attack. He has paid a high personal price.
Deaths threats, loss of work and endless legal bills
that have near-bankrupted him. A verdict in the
latest suit against him – this time backed by the
Israeli attorney general – is expected in the next
few weeks.
Bakri is a particularly prominent victim of
Israel’s long-running war on Palestinian history.
But there are innumerable other examples.
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For decades many hundreds of Palestinian residents in the southern West Bank have been fighting their expulsion as Israeli officials characterise them as “squatters”. According to Israel, the Palestinians are nomads who recklessly built homes on land they seized inside an army firing zone.
The villagers’ counter-claims were ignored until
the truth was unearthed recently in Israel’s
archives.
These Palestinian communities are, in fact,
marked on maps predating Israel. Official Israeli
documents presented in court last month show that
Ariel Sharon, a general-turned-politician, devised a
policy of establishing firing zones in the occupied
territories to justify mass evictions of
Palestinians like these communities in the Hebron
Hills.
The residents are fortunate that their claims
have been officially verified, even if they still
depend on uncertain justice from an Israeli
occupiers’ court.
Israel’s archives are being hurriedly sealed up
precisely to prevent any danger that records might
confirm long-sidelined and discounted Palestinian
history.
Last month Israel’s state comptroller, a watchdog
body, revealed that more than one million archived
documents were still inaccessible, even though they
had passed their declassification date. Nonetheless,
some have slipped through the net.
The archives have, for example,
confirmed some of the large-scale massacres of
Palestinian civilians carried out in 1948 – the year
Israel was established by dispossessing Palestinians
of their homeland.
In one such massacre at Dawaymeh, near where
Palestinians are today fighting against their
expulsion from the firing zone, hundreds were
executed, even as they offered no resistance, to
encourage the wider population to flee.
Other files have corroborated Palestinian claims
that Israel destroyed more than 500 Palestinian
villages during a wave of mass expulsions that same
year to dissuade the refugees from trying to return.
Official documents have disproved, too, Israel’s
claim that it pleaded with the 750,000 Palestinian
refugees to return home. In fact, as the archives
reveal, Israel obscured its role in the ethnic
cleansing of 1948 by inventing a cover story that it
was Arab leaders who commanded Palestinians to
leave.
The battle to eradicate Palestinian history does
not just take place in the courts and archives. It
begins in Israeli schools.
A new study by Avner Ben-Amos, a history
professor at Tel Aviv University, shows that Israeli
pupils learn almost nothing truthful about the
occupation, even though many will soon enforce it as
soldiers in a supposedly “moral” army that rules
over Palestinians.
Maps in geography textbooks strip out the
so-called “Green Line” – the borders demarcating the
occupied territories – to present a Greater Israel
long desired by the settlers. History and civics
classes evade all discussion of the occupation,
human rights violations, the role of international
law, or apartheid-like local laws that treat
Palestinians differently from Jewish settlers living
illegally next door.
Instead, the West Bank is known by the Biblical
names of “Judea and Samaria”, and its occupation in
1967 is referred to as a “liberation”.
Sadly, Israel’s erasure of Palestinians and their
history is echoed outside by digital behemoths such
as Google and Apple.
Palestinian solidarity activists have spent years
battling to get both platforms to include hundreds
of Palestinian communities in the West Bank missed
off their maps, under the hashtag #HeresMyVillage.
Illegal Jewish settlements, meanwhile, are
prioritised on these digital maps.
Another campaign, #ShowTheWall, has lobbied the
tech giants to mark on their maps the path of
Israel’s 700-kilometre-long steel and concrete
barrier, effectively used by Israel to annex
occupied Palestinian territory in violation of
international law.
And last month Palestinian groups launched yet
another campaign, #GoogleMapsPalestine, demanding
that the occupied territories be labelled
“Palestine”, not just the West Bank and Gaza. The UN
recognised the state of Palestine back in 2012, but
Google and Apple refused to follow suit.
Palestinians rightly argue that these firms are
replicating the kind of disappearance of
Palestinians familiar from Israeli textbooks, and
that they uphold “mapping segregation” that mirrors
Israel’s apartheid laws in the occupied territories.
Today’s crimes of occupation – house demolitions,
arrests of activists and children, violence from
soldiers, and settlement expansion – are being
documented by Israel, just as its earlier crimes
were.
Future historians may one day unearth those
papers from the Israeli archives and learn the
truth. That Israeli policies were not driven, as
Israel claims now, by security concerns, but by a
colonial desire to destroy Palestinian society and
pressure Palestinians to leave their homeland, to be
replaced by Jews.
The lessons for future researchers will be no
different from the lessons learnt by their
predecessors, who discovered the 1948 documents.
But in truth, we do not need to wait all those
years hence. We can understand what is happening to
Palestinians right now – simply by refusing to
conspire in their silencing. It is time to listen.
Jonathan Cook won
the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism.
His books include “Israel and the Clash of
Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the
Middle East” (Pluto Press) and “Disappearing
Palestine: Israel’s Experiments in Human Despair”
(Zed Books). His website is www.jonathan-cook.net.