The
deeper roots of Chinese demonization
Hegel saw history moving east to west – 'Europe thus
absolutely being the end of history, Asia the beginning'
By Pepe Escobar
Fasten
your seat belts: the US hybrid
war against China is
bound to go on frenetic overdrive, as economic
reports are already
identifying Covid-19 as the tipping point when the Asian
– actually Eurasian – century truly began.
The US
strategy remains, essentially, full spectrum dominance,
with the National Security Strategy obsessed by the
three top “threats” of China, Russia and Iran. China, in
contrast, proposes a “community
of shared destiny” for
mankind, mostly addressing the Global South.
The predominant
US narrative in the ongoing information war is now set
in stone: Covid-19 was the result of a leak from a
Chinese biowarfare lab. China is responsible. China
lied. And China has to pay.
The new
normal tactic of non-stop China demonization is deployed
not only by crude functionaries of the
industrial-military-surveillance-media complex. We need
to dig much deeper to discover how these attitudes are
deeply embedded in Western thinking – and later migrated
to the “end of history” United States. (Here are
sections of an excellent study, Unfabling
the East: The Enlightenment’s Encounter with Asia ,
by Jurgen Osterhammel)
Only Whites civilized
Way beyond the
Renaissance, in the 17th and 18th centuries,
whenever Europe referred to Asia it was essentially
about religion conditioning trade. Christianity reigned
supreme, so it was impossible to think by excluding
God.
At the same
time the doctors of the Church were deeply disturbed
that in the Sinified world a very well organized society
could function in the absence of a transcendent
religion. That bothered them even more than those
“savages” discovered in the Americas.
As it started
to explore what was regarded as the “Far East,” Europe
was mired in religious wars. But at the same time it was
forced to confront another explanation of the world, and
that fed some subversive anti-religious tendencies
across the Enlightenment sphere.
It was at this
stage that learned Europeans started questioning Chinese
philosophy, which inevitably they had to degrade to the
status of a mere worldly “wisdom” because it escaped the
canons of Greek and Augustinian thought. This attitude,
by the way, still reigns today.
Are You Tired Of
The Lies And
Non-Stop Propaganda?
|
So we
had what in France was described as chinoiseries —
a sort of ambiguous admiration, in which China
was regarded as the supreme example of a pagan
society.
But then the
Church started to lose patience with the Jesuits’
fascination with China. The Sorbonne was punished. A
papal bull, in 1725, outlawed Christians who were
practicing Chinese rites. It’s quite interesting to note
that Sinophile philosophers and Jesuits condemned by the
Pope insisted that the “real faith” (Christianity) was
“prefigured” in ancient Chinese, specifically
Confucianist, texts.
The European
vision of Asia and the “Far East” was mostly
conceptualized by a mighty German triad: Kant, Herder
and Schlegel. Kant, incidentally, was also a geographer,
and Herder a historian and geographer. We can say that
the triad was the precursor of modern Western
Orientalism. It’s easy to imagine a Borges short story
featuring these three.
As much as they
may have been aware of China, India and Japan, for Kant
and Herder God was above all. He had planned the
development of the world in all its details. And that
brings us to the tricky issue of race.
Breaking away
from the monopoly of religion, references to race
represented a real epistemological turnaround in
relation to previous thinkers. Leibniz and Voltaire, for
instance, were Sinophiles. Montesquieu and Diderot were
Sinophobes. None explained cultural differences by race.
Montesquieu developed a theory based on climate. But
that did not have a racial connotation – it was more
like an ethnic approach.
The big break
came via French philosopher and traveler Francois
Bernier (1620-1688), who spent 13 years traveling in
Asia and in 1671 published a book called La
Description des Etats du Grand Mogol, de l”Indoustan, du
Royaume de Cachemire, etc. Voltaire, hilariously,
called him Bernier-Mogol — as he became a star telling
his tales to the royal court. In a subsequent book, Nouvelle
Division de la Terre par les Differentes Especes ou
Races d’Homme qui l’Habitent, published in 1684,
the “Mogol” distinguished up to five human races.
This was
all based on the color of the skin, not on families or
the climate. The Europeans were mechanically placed on
top, while other races were considered “ugly.”
Afterward, the division of humanity in up to five races
was picked up by David Hume — always based on the color
of the skin. Hume proclaimed to the Anglo-Saxon world
that only whites were civilized; others were inferiors.
This attitude is still pervasive. See, for instance,
this pathetic
diatribe recently
published in Britain.
Two Asias
The first
thinker to actually come up with a theory of the yellow
race was Kant, in his writings between 1775 and 1785,
David Mungello argues in The Great Encounter of
China and the West, 1500-1800.
Kant rates the
“white race” as “superior,” the “black race” as
“inferior” (by the way, Kant did not condemn slavery),
the “copper race” as “feeble” and the “yellow race” as
intermediary. The differences between them are due to a
historical process that started with the “white race,”
considered the most pure and original, the others being
nothing but bastards.
Kant subdivided
Asia by countries. For him, East Asia meant Tibet, China
and Japan. He considered China in relatively positive
terms, as a mix of white and yellow races.
Herder was
definitely mellower. For him, Mesopotamia was the cradle
of Western civilization, and the Garden of Eden was in
Kashmir, “the world’s paradise.” His theory of
historical evolution became a smash hit in the West: the
East was a baby, Egypt was an infant, Greece was youth.
Herder’s East Asia consisted of Tibet, China,
Cochinchina, Tonkin, Laos, Korea, Eastern Tartary and
Japan — countries and regions touched by Chinese
civilization.
Schlegel was
like the precursor of a Californian 60s hippie. He was a
Sanskrit enthusiast and a serious student of Eastern
cultures. He said that “in the East we should seek the
most elevated romanticism.” India was the source of
everything, “the whole history of the human spirit.” No
wonder this insight became the mantra for a whole
generation of Orientalists. That was also the start of a
dualist vision of Asia across the West that’s still
predominant today.
So by the 18th century
we had fully established a vision of Asia as a land of
servitude and cradle of despotism and paternalism in
sharp contrast with a vision of Asia as a cradle of
civilizations. Ambiguity became the new normal. Asia was
respected as mother of civilizations — value systems
included — and even mother of the West. In parallel,
Asia was demeaned, despised or ignored because it had
never reached the high level of the West, despite its
head start.
Those Oriental despots
And that brings
us to The Big Guy: Hegel. Hyper well informed – he read
reports by ex-Jesuits sent from Beijing — Hegel does not
write about the “Far East” but only the East, which
includes East Asia, essentially the Chinese world. Hegel
does not care much about religion as his predecessors
did. He talks about the East from the point of view of
the state and politics. In contrast to the myth-friendly
Schlegel, Hegel sees the East as a state of nature in
the process of reaching toward a beginning of history –
unlike black Africa, which he saw wallowing in the mire
of a bestial state.
To explain the
historical bifurcation between a stagnant world and
another one in motion, leading to the Western ideal,
Hegel divided Asia in two.
One part was
composed by China and Mongolia: a puerile world of
patriarchal innocence, where contradictions do not
develop, where the survival of great empires attests to
that world’s “insubstantial,” immobile and ahistorical
character.
The other part
was Vorderasien (“Anterior Asia”), uniting the
current Middle East and Central Asia, from Egypt to
Persia. This is an already historical world.
These two huge
regions are also subdivided. So in the end Hegel’s Asiatische
Welt (Asian world) is divided into four: first, the
plains of the Yellow and Blue rivers, the high plateaus,
China and Mongolia; second, the valleys of the Ganges
and the Indus; third, the plains of the Oxus (today the
Amur-Darya) and the Jaxartes (today the Syr-Darya), the
plateaus of Persia, the valleys of the Tigris and the
Euphrates; and fourth, the Nile valley.
It’s
fascinating to see how in the Philosophy of History (1822-1830)
Hegel ends up separating India as a sort of intermediary
in historical evolution. So we have in the end, as
Jean-Marc Moura showed in L’Extreme Orient selon G.
W. F. Hegel, Philosophie de l’Histoire et Imaginaire
Exotique, a “fragmented East, of which India is the
example, and an immobile East, blocked in chimera, of
which the Far East is the illustration.”
To describe the
relation between East and West, Hegel uses a couple of
metaphors. One of them, quite famous, features the sun:
“The history of the world voyages from east to west,
Europe thus absolutely being the end of history, and
Asia the beginning.” We all know where tawdry “end of
history” spin-offs led us.
The other
metaphor is Herder’s: the East is “history’s youth” —
but with China taking a special place because of the
importance of Confucianist principles systematically
privileging the role of the family.
Nothing
outlined above is of course neutral in terms of
understanding Asia. The double metaphor — using the sun
and maturity — could not but comfort the West in its
narcissism, later inherited from Europe by the
“exceptional” US. Implied in this vision is the
inevitable superiority complex, in the case of the US
even more acute because legitimized by the course of
history.
Hegel thought
that history must be evaluated under the framework of
the development of freedom. Well, China and India being
ahistorical, freedom does not exist, unless brought by
an initiative coming from outside.
And that’s how
the famous “Oriental despotism” evoked by Montesquieu
and the possible, sometimes inevitable, and always
valuable Western intervention are, in tandem, totally
legitimized. We should not expect this Western frame of
mind to change anytime soon, if ever. Especially as
China is about to be back as Number One.
Pepe Escobar
is correspondent-at-large at
Asia Times.
His latest book is
2030.
Follow him on
Facebook.
Do you agree or disagree?
Post your comment here
|