Venezuela’s
Coronavirus Response Might Surprise You
By Leonardo
Flores
March 27,
2020 "Information
Clearing House"
- Within
a few hours of being launched, over
800 Venezuelans in the U.S. registered
for an emergency flight
from Miami to Caracas through a website run by the
Venezuelan government. This flight, offered at no
cost, was proposed by President Nicolás Maduro when
he learned that 200 Venezuelans were stuck in the
United States following his government’s decision to
stop commercial flights as a preventative
coronavirus measure. The promise of one flight
expanded to two or more flights, as it became clear
that many Venezuelans in the U.S. wanted to go back
to Venezuela, yet the situation remains unresolved
due to the U.S. ban on flights to and from the
country.
Those
who rely solely on the mainstream media might wonder
who in their right mind would want to leave the
United States for Venezuela. Numerous
outlets—including
TIME magazine,
the
Washington Post,
The Hill,
the
Miami Herald,
and others—published opinions in the past week
describing Venezuela as a chaotic nightmare. These
media outlets painted a picture of a coronavirus
disaster, of government incompetence and of a nation
teetering on the brink of collapse. The reality of
Venezuela’s coronavirus response is not covered by
the mainstream media at all.
Furthermore, what each of these articles
shortchanges is the damage caused by the Trump
administration’s sanctions, which devastated the
economy and healthcare system long before the
coronavirus pandemic. These sanctions have
impoverished millions of Venezuelans and negatively
impact vital infrastructure, such as electricity
generation. Venezuela is impeded from importing
spare parts for its power plants and the resulting
blackouts interrupt water services that rely on
electric pumps. These, along with dozens of other
implications from the
hybrid war on Venezuela,
have caused a decline in health indicators across
the board, leading to
100,000 deaths as a
consequence of the sanctions.
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Regarding coronavirus specifically, the
sanctions raise the costs of testing kits and
medical supplies, and ban Venezuela’s government
from purchasing medical equipment from the U.S.
(and from many European countries). These
obstacles would seemingly place Venezuela on the
path to a worst-case scenario, similar to Iran
(also battered by sanctions) or Italy (battered
by austerity and neoliberalism). In contrast to
those two countries, Venezuela took decisive
steps early on to face the pandemic.
As a
result of these steps and other factors, Venezuela
is currently in its best-case scenario. As of this
writing, 11 days after the first confirmed case of
coronavirus, the country has 86 infected people,
with 0 deaths. Its neighbors have not fared as well:
Brazil has
1,924 cases with 34 deaths;
Ecuador 981 and 18; Chile 746 and 2; Peru 395 and 5;
Mexico 367 and 4; Colombia 306 and 3. (With the
exception of Mexico, those governments have all
actively participated and contributed to the
U.S.-led regime change efforts in Venezuela.) Why is
Venezuela doing so much better than others in the
region?
Skeptics
will claim that the Maduro government is hiding
figures and deaths, that there’s not enough testing,
not enough medicine, not enough talent to adequately
deal with a pandemic. But here are the facts:
First, international solidarity has played a
priceless role in enabling the government to
rise to the challenge. China sent coronavirus
diagnostic kits that will allow
320,000 Venezuelans to be tested,
in addition to a team of experts and tons of
supplies.
Cuba sent 130 doctors
and
10,000 doses of interferon alfa-2b,
a drug with an
established record of helping COVID-19 patients
recover. Russia
has sent the
first of several shipments of medical equipment
and kits. These
three countries, routinely characterized by the
U.S. foreign policy establishment as evil, offer
solidarity and material support.
The United States offers more sanctions
and the IMF,
widely known to be under U.S. control,
denied a Venezuelan request for $5 billion in
emergency funding that even
the European Union supports.
Second, the government quickly carried out a
plan to contain the spread of the disease. On
March 12, a day before the first confirmed
cases, President Maduro decreed a health
emergency, prohibited crowds from gathering, and
cancelled flights from Europe and Colombia. On
March 13, Day 1, two Venezuelans tested
positive; the government cancelled classes,
began requiring facemasks on subways and on the
border, closed theaters, bars and nightclubs,
and limited restaurants to take-out or delivery.
It bears repeating that this was on Day 1 of
having a confirmed case; many U.S. states have
yet to take these steps. By Day 4, a national
quarantine was put into effect (equivalent to
shelter-in-place orders) and an online portal
called the Homeland System (Sistema Patria) was
repurposed to survey potential COVID-19 cases.
By Day 8, 42 people were infected and
approximately
90% of the population was heeding the quarantine.
By Day 11, over
12.2 million people had filled out the survey,
over 20,000 people who reported being sick were
visited in their homes by medical professionals
and 145 people were referred for coronavirus
testing. The government estimates that without
these measures, Venezuela would have
3,000 infected people and a high number of
deaths.
Third,
the Venezuelan people were positioned to handle
a crisis. Over the past 7 years, Venezuela has
lived through the death of wildly popular
leader, violent right-wing protests, an economic
war characterized by shortages and
hyperinflation, sanctions that have destroyed
the economy, an ongoing coup, attempted military
insurrections, attacks on public utilities,
blackouts, mass migration and threats of U.S.
military action. The coronavirus is a different
sort of challenge, but previous crises have
instilled a resiliency among the Venezuelan
people and strengthened solidarity within
communities. There is no panic on the streets;
instead, people are calm and following health
protocols.
Fourth, mass organizing and prioritizing people
above all else. Communes and organized
communities have taken the lead, producing
facemasks, keeping the CLAP food supply system
running (this monthly food package reaches 7
million families),
facilitating house-by-house visits of doctors
and encouraging the use of facemasks in public.
Over 12,000 medical school students in their
last or second-to-last year of study applied to
be trained for house visits. For its part, the
Maduro administration
suspended rent payments,
instituted a nationwide firing freeze, gave
bonuses to workers, prohibited telecoms from
cutting off people’s phones or internet, reached
an agreement with hotel chains to provide 4,000
beds in case the crisis escalates, and pledged
to pay the salaries of employees of small and
medium businesses. Amid a public health crisis -
compounded by an economic crisis and sanctions -
Venezuela’s response has been to guarantee food,
provide free healthcare and widespread testing,
and alleviate further economic pressure on the
working class.
The
U.S. government has not responded to the Maduro
administration’s request to make an exception for
Conviasa Airlines, the national airline under
sanctions, to fly the Venezuelans stranded in the
United States back to Caracas. Given everything
happening in the United States, where
COVID-19 treatment can cost nearly $35,000
and the government is
weighing the option of prioritizing the economy over
the lives of people,
perhaps these Venezuelans waiting to go home
understand that their chances of surviving the
coronavirus—both physically and economically—are
much better in a country that values health over
profits.
Leonardo
Flores is a Latin American policy expert and
campaigner with CodePink.
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