The US news media perversely view the prospective
liberation of millions of Syrians from a
Turkish-backed Al Qaeda tyranny in Idlib as a
humanitarian tragedy, betraying their allegiance to
Washington’s geopolitical agenda and its aim of
dominating every country in West Asia without
exception, even if it means relying on Al Qaeda to
accomplish its goal.
By Stephen GowansFebruary 26, 2020 "Information
Clearing House" - Imagine
journalists deploring the Allies’ liberation of
Europe because the project created refugees, and
you’ll understand the US news media’s reaction to
the prospect of the Syrian military liberating Idlib
from the rule of a branch of Al Qaeda. Implicit in
the condemnation is support for the status quo,
since any realistic attempt to end an occupation
will trigger a flight of civilians from a war zone.
What is in fact support for continued occupation by
reactionaries, and their imposition of a terrorist
mini-state on millions of Syrians, is slyly
presented by the US news media as concern for the
welfare of Syrian civilians.
On February 20, The Wall Street Journal ran an
article on what it said could be the “biggest
humanitarian horror story of the 21st century,”
namely, the advance of the Syrian military into
Idlib, “backed by Russian airstrikes and pro-Iranian
militias” which has “forced the flight of some
900,000 people” as Syrian president Bashar al-Assad
vows “to retake every inch of Syria.” [1]
To illustrate the so-called impending horror,
Journal reporter Raja Abdulrahim follows “Amro
Akoush and his family” as they flee “their home in
northwest Syria with no time to pack a bag and no
vehicle to escape the machine-gun fire and falling
bombs.” [2]
“I feel like this is the end, the army will
advance and kill us all and that will be the end of
the story,” Abdulrahim quotes Akoush as saying. “We
no longer have hope for anything other than a quick
death, that’s it. That’s all we ask for.” (3)
In Abdulrahim’s narrative, Assad is a tyrant
setting in motion a humanitarian catastrophe to
satisfy his urge (are we to construe it as greed?)
to “retake” every inch of his country (not recover
or liberate it.) Assad’s foil, his nemesis in this
tale, is Turkey’s president Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
presented as the personification of the calvary,
rushing to the aid of hapless Syrian civilians, by
dispatching tanks across the Turk-Syrian border.
Erdogan, Abdulrahim writes, “has threatened to
launch a full attack on Syrian government forces if
Mr. Assad doesn’t halt the military offensive.
Turkey has sent more than 10,000 troops and more
than 2,000 pieces of artillery, tanks and armored
vehicles into Idlib.” (4)
It all seems fairly simple: Assad is a brute who
has launched a military offensive “to defeat the
remnants” of Syria’s “armed opposition”, sparking a
humanitarian catastrophe in embryo, while Erdogan,
our hero, acts to stay the tyrant’s hand.
It’s a good story, but wrong. The “armed
opposition” is not a group of plucky liberal
democrats fighting for freedom, but Al Qaeda; Turkey
is not the calvary, but a foreign aggressor with
designs on Syria that has long backed Al Qaeda as
its proxy in Idlib; and Erdogan’s goal isn’t to
rescue Syrians from a tyrant, but to impose a
Turkish tyranny by proxy on Idlib. All of this has
been reported previously in the US news media,
including in Abdulrahim’s own Wall Street Journal,
but has since been lost down to the memory hole.
Additionally, other realities have been minimized,
including the continued Al Qaeda attacks on the
Syrian military and Syrian civilians.
In early March, 2015 Erdogan flew to Riyadh to
meet Saudi Arabia’s recently crowned King Salman, to
agree on a new strategy to oust Assad. Both leaders
were keen to see Syria’s Arab nationalist republic
dissolved. Erdogan, an Islamist with connections to
the Muslim Brotherhood, objected to Syria’s
secularism and long-running war with the Muslim
Brotherhood. Salman, a misogynistic,
democracy-abominating monarch backed to the hilt by
Washington, objected to Syria’s anti-monarchism,
Arab nationalism, and insistence that the Arab world
achieve independence from US domination–ideologies
which threatened his family’s rule over the Arabian
peninsula and its vast oil resources.
To overcome the Syrian menace, Erdogan and Salman
agreed to establish a joint command center in Idlib
in order to coordinate the activities of Al Qaeda
(operating in Syria at the time under the alias
Jabhat al-Nusra.) Al Qaeda and other jihadist groups
had taken up the Muslim Brotherhood’s struggle
against the Assad government’s secularism and Arab
nationalism. The jihadists were threatening to seize
control of all of Idlib, and the Turkish Islamist
and Saudi despot were eager to lend a hand. [5]
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Erdogan wanted to run Idlib through his
Al Qaeda proxies to gain leverage in order
to shape the outcome of post-conflict talks
on a new political arrangement for Syria.
[6] This would allow him to further his
Islamist agenda in a neighboring country—he
had taken numerous steps to Islamize his own
country—and to acquire profit-making
opportunities in Syria for Turkish business
people.
Erdogan’s plans were soon brought to fruition. By
February, 2018, Brett McGurk, the U.S. envoy to the
US campaign against ISIS, could call Idlib “the
largest al Qaeda safe haven since 9/11.” [7] The
veteran foreign affairs correspondent Robert Fisk
would refer to the Syrian province as a territory
teeming with “the Islamist fighters of Isis, Nusrah,
al-Qaeda and their fellow jihadists.” [8] In
September, 2019 The New York Times’ Eric Schmitt
said that Idlib province contained “a witch’s brew
of violent Islamic extremist groups, dominated by
the larger Qaeda-linked organization Hayat Tahrir
al-Sham, formerly the Nusra Front.” [9] Hayat Tahrir
al-Sham would control 99 percent of Idlib and
surrounding areas. [10], creating what Cockburn
dubbed an “al-Qaeda-run mini-state” [11]—behind
which sat Erdogan, on the Sultan’s throne.
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and Al Qaeda are one
and the same. After undergoing a previous rebranding
as Jabhat al Nusra, Al Qaeda’s Syrian branch morphed
once again, this time into HTS. As the Syrian
delegate to the United Nations, Bashar Ja’afari,
explained to the UN Security Council in May,
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham … is the Al-Nusra Front,
which itself is part of Al-Qaida in the Levant,
which in turn is part of Al-Qaida in Iraq, which
in turn is part of Al-Qaida in Afghanistan.
Therefore, we are all talking about Al-Qaida,
regardless of its different names; all are
designated by the [UN Security] Council as
terrorist entities. [12]
The Washington Post described Hayat Tahrir
al-Sham as “an extremist Islamist group that began
as al-Qaeda’s affiliate in Syria and has tried to
rebrand itself several times during the war.” [13]
The New York Times says Hayat Tahrir al-Sham “is
affiliated with Al Qaeda,” [14] while The Wall
Street Journal lists the group as “a branch of al
Qaeda.” [15]
But of Western mainstream journalists, Cockburn
perhaps describes the group best. Hayat Tahrir
al-Sham, he wrote in early 2019, is “a powerful
breakaway faction from Isis which founded the group
under the name of Jabhat al-Nusra in 2011 and with
whom it shares the same fanatical beliefs and
military tactics. Its leaders wear suicide vests
studded with metal balls just like their Isis
equivalents.” [16]
HTS’s size is a matter of dispute. Cockburn
estimates that it “can put at least 50,000 fighters
into the field” [17] while The New York Times puts
the number closer to “12,000 and 15,000 fighters.”
[18] The Syrian government says that the group has
“tens of thousands of foreign terrorists, including
15,000 Europeans.” [19]
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham has “centered its agenda on
combating the government of Mr. al-Assad, with no
interest in conducting attacks abroad, according to
a recent United Nations assessment.” [20] This makes
the Al Qaeda group acceptable to the United States,
and, in train, to the US news media. It also
explains why an organization seen as terrorist
outside of Syria, is often described by US new media
in neutral language when it operates in Syria, like
“armed opposition” and “rebels.” Following this
convention, we could talk of the “armed opposition”
and “rebels” who attacked the United States on 9/11,
and Washington’s 19 year war on Al Qaeda as the war
on “the armed opposition to the US regime.”
“In September 2018, Russia and Turkey brokered a
cease-fire agreement for Idlib to forestall a
military offensive,” explained The Wall Street
Journal. “The deal required that” Al Qaeda fighters
“withdraw from a demilitarized buffer zone along the
front line.” [21] Rather than withdrawing, Al Qaeda
expanded areas under its control. [22] while
continuing to carry on its fight against the Syrian
military. The jihadists attacked Syrian army
positions, targeted the Russian airbase at Khmeimim,
and shelled towns and villages, “killing civilians
and forcing more than 10,000 to flee,” according to
the United Nations. [23] Turkey stood by while its
proxies violated the cease-fire, failing “to meet
its commitment to disarm” its fighters. [24]
In response, the Syrian army, backed by its
Russian and Iranian allies, launched an offensive to
liberate Idlib. It has done this because Al Qaeda’s
attacks have never stopped and because the
government of Syria has an obligation to protect its
citizens and control its own territory.
When Ja’afari addressed the Security Council in
May he asked:
When will it be recognized that the right we
are exercising is the same right others have
exercised in confronting terrorist attacks
against the Bataclan theatre and the offices of
Charlie Hebdo in Paris, as well as terrorist
acts in Niece, London, Boston and other cities?
The terrorists that members have confronted in
their own countries were not equipped with
Turkish rocket launchers and tanks. [25]
Apart from glossing over such inconvenient facts
as the true character of the “armed opposition” and
Erdogan’s connection to it, the US news media have
failed to address a number of key questions.
First, is it legitimate for a government to use
force to recover territory occupied by an armed
enemy, even if the use of force endangers civilians
or sparks their flight? If the answer is no, then
the Allies acted illegitimately during World War II
in liberating Europe from Nazi occupation, for their
project was impossible without endangering some
civilians and creating refugees.
Moreover, if civilian casualties and their
displacement were acceptable consequences of US
forces taking Raqqa from ISIS—the US defense
secretary at the time, James Mattis responded to
concerns about the effect of the US siege on
civilians by noting that “Civilian casualties are a
fact of life in this sort of situation” [26]—how is
it that they are unacceptable in the case of Syrian
forces liberating Idlib from Al Qaeda?
A still more basic question is, Is it acceptable
to respond in force to attacks from an enemy? The
answer is obvious, which may be why it is never
asked, for if asked, Syrian military operations
against continued Al Qaeda attacks would have to be
accepted as legitimate, rather than falsely
portrayed as acts of aggression against Syrian
civilians.
Third, is Turkey’s presence on Syrian soil
legitimate? The answer is categorically in the
negative. The invasion of Syria by Turkey and the
occupation of part of Syrian territory by Turkish
forces is no different in law, politics, or morality
than the Nazi invasion of Poland, France, the low
countries, the Soviet Union, and so on. It is
clearly illegal, and an affront to the ‘rules-based
international order’ to which the United States,
Turkey, and other NATO countries so conspicuously
and hypocritically profess allegiance. The invasion
and occupation have been carried out in defense of
Turkey’s Al Qaeda proxy, and to advance the
interests of Turks and Islamists against the
interests of Syrians and secularists. Erdogan is no
hero, but a villain, whose hands are as maculated by
the blood of Al Qaeda’s Syrian victims as are those
of his Al Qaeda proxies.
Finally, what are the costs of Al Qaeda’s
continued rule over millions of Syrians in Idlib?
Are they greater than the costs in civilian
casualties and displacement of bringing that rule to
an end? The US news media have been generally
supportive of the immense costs in blood and
treasure Washington has incurred to wage its war on
Al Qaeda in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Yemen. While
noting the civilian cost of driving ISIS from its
strongholds in Iraq and Syria, the US news media
have never denounced the US war on ISIS as a
humanitarian horror story, a term it uses to
denounce Syria’s war on Al Qaeda. Instead, ISIS
itself is portrayed as a humanitarian horror story,
and efforts to undermine and defeat it are welcomed.
This should be true too of Syria’s war on Al Qaeda.
It is Al Qaeda that is the humanitarian horror story
and it is the actions of the Syrian military in
undermining and defeating it that ought to be
welcomed and met with approbation.
The Syrian military advance to recover Idlib and
liberate it from Al Qaeda, a terrorist organization
which has imposed a harsh regime of religious
intolerance and Islamist despotism on millions of
Syrians, has not been welcomed by the US news media.
Although the campaign is praiseworthy on multiple
levels—it recovers national territory held by
proxies of a foreign aggressor, and aims to liberate
millions of people who have been tyrannized by a
rule imposed on them by an organization made up of
thousands of foreign fighters—US media, betraying
their commitment to US geopolitical agendas, portray
the commendable as indefensible. We ought to applaud
the actions of the Syrian military, along with those
of its Russian and Iranian allies, not deplore them.
These actions are blows against reaction,
oppression, and foreign aggression, and in defense
of democracy on an international level, as well as
in the furtherance of the welfare of the Syrian
people.
Stephen Gowans is an independent political
analyst and author of two acclaimed books,
Washington's Long War on Syria (2017) and Patriots,
Traitors, and Empires: The Story of Korea's Struggle
for Freedom (2018), both published by Baraka Books.
https://gowans.blog/
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1. Raja Abdulrahim, “’I feel like this is the
end’: A million fleeing Syrians trapped by Assad’s
final push,” The Wall Street Journal, February 20,
2020.
2. Abdulrahim, February 20, 2020.
3. Abdulrahim, February 20, 2020.
4. Abdulrahim, February 20, 2020.
5. Desmond Butler, “Turkey officials confirm pact
with Saudi Arabia to help rebels fighting Syria’s
Assad,” AP, May 7, 2015.
6. Carlotta Gall, “Syrian attacks draw Turkey deeper
into Syrian war,” The New York Times, February 12,
2020.
7. Sune Engel Rasmussen and James Marson, “Syrian
offensive creates new frictions among foreign
powers,” The Wall Street Journal, February 4, 2018.
8. Robert Fisk, “To unlock the diplomatic mysteries
behind the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, take a look at
Syria,” The Independent, November 22, 2018.
9. Eric Schmitt, “U.S. Officials Warn of Rising
Threat From Qaeda Branch in Northwest Syria.” The
New York Times, September 29, 2019.
10. Kareem Fahim and Sarah Dadouch, “Russian-backed
Syrian offensive kills dozens, displaces tens of
thousands,” The Washington Post, December 25, 2019;
Vivian Yee and Hwaida Saad, “Syrian forces move into
strategic town, tightening grip on rebels,” The New
York Times, August 20, 2019; Patrick Cockburn,
“Trump says Isis has been defeated, but he is
ignoring the bigger and much more worrying picture,”
The independent, February 8, 2019; Russian
Ambassador Vasily Nebenzia, 553rd meeting of the
United Nations Security Council, June 18, 2019.
11. Patrick Cockburn, “Trump says Isis has been
defeated, but he is ignoring the bigger and much
more worrying picture,” The independent, February 8,
2019.
12. Mr. Ja’afari (Syrian Arab Republic) United
Nations Security Council, 8535th Meeting, May 28,
2019.
13. Kareem Fahim and Sarah Dadouch, “Russian-backed
Syrian offensive kills dozens, displaces tens of
thousands,” The Washington Post, December 25, 2019.
14. Vivian Yee and Hwaida Saad, “Syrian forces move
into strategic town, tightening grip on rebels,” The
New York Times, August 20, 2019.
15. Raja Abdulrahim, “Syrian government captures
strategic town in last opposition stronghold,” The
Wall Street Journal, August 20, 2019.
16. Patrick Cockburn, February 8, 2019.
17. Patrick Cockburn, February 8, 2019.
18. Eric Schmitt, “U.S. Officials Warn of Rising
Threat From Qaeda Branch in Northwest Syria.” The
New York Times, September 29, 2019.
19. Syrian Ambassador Bashar Ja’afari, 553rd meeting
of the United Nations Security Council, June 18,
2019.
20. Eric Schmitt, “U.S. Officials Warn of Rising
Threat From Qaeda Branch in Northwest Syria.” The
New York Times, September 29, 2019.
21. Raja Abdulrahim, February 20, 2020.
22. Raja Abdulrahim, February 20, 2020.
23. Vivian Yee and Hwaida Saad, “Syrian forces move
into strategic town, tightening grip on rebels,” The
New York Times, August 20, 2019; Russian Ambassador
Vasily Nebenzia, 553rd meeting of the United Nations
Security Council, June 18, 2019.
24. David Gauthier-Villars and Nazih Osseiran,
“Turkish troop losses mount after clash with Assad
forces,” The Wall Street Journal, February 10, 2020.
25. Mr. Ja’afari (Syrian Arab Republic) United
Nations Security Council, 8535th Meeting, May 28,
2019.
26. Raja Abdulrahim and Nour Alakraa, “Civilian
casualties mount as coalition moves to oust ISIS in
Raqqa,” The Wall Street Journal, June 16, 2017.
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