By Patrick Martin
The victory of Bernie Sanders in the Nevada
caucuses has escalated the anti-Sanders hysteria of
the Democratic Party establishment and
Democratic-aligned media outlets such as the New
York Times, the Washington Post,
CNN and MSNBC. This has taken the form of fabricated
allegations of Russian intervention into the 2020
elections to support Sanders’ candidacy.
This fable is elaborated on the front page of
Sunday’s New York Times in a lengthy
article by David Sanger, the newspaper’s most
reliable stenographer for whatever story the
military-intelligence apparatus wants floated in the
newspaper. Under the headline, “Seeking Chaos,
Moscow Places Its Bets in US,” Sanger smears Sanders
as the beneficiary of supposed Russian support in
the 2020 elections.
Sanger has a long record of fraudulent
“analyses.” Stories that appear under his byline are
generally based on unnamed intelligence sources
whose allegations are presented as unimpeachable.
The hallmark of a typical Sanger analysis is that it
lacks any identifiable factual basis. He is less a
reporter than a frustrated writer of third-rate spy
stories with poorly constructed plots.
In this latest thriller, Sanger does not produce
a single fact in support of the contention that
Russian President Vladimir Putin backs Sanders or
has done anything to assist his campaign.
Besides numerous unnamed “outside experts” and
“intelligence analysts,” Sanger quotes three current
and former intelligence officials by name, including
Angela Stent, national intelligence officer for
Russia, now a professor at Georgetown University and
author of Putin’s World: Russia Against the West
and With the Rest, who actually says nothing
about Sanders.
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Victoria Nuland is also cited. Nuland
is certainly an expert on foreign
subversion of elections, having played,
as she boasted, a central role in 2014
in the $5 billion US effort to
destabilize and oust the democratically
elected government of Viktor Yanukovych
in Ukraine.
Nuland does not present any evidence to support
Sanger’s storyline, beyond asserting, “Any figures
that radicalize politics and do harm to center views
and unity in the United States are good for Putin’s
Russia.” In other words, Sanders is functioning as a
Putin stooge because his policies are to the left of
the Democratic Party candidates favored by the CIA.
Sanger finds the hand of Putin in Sanders’
support for “a drastic expansion of taxes and
government programs like Medicare,” claiming that
this divides American society in a way favorable to
Moscow.
Also named by Sanger is Christopher Krebs, head
of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security
Agency in the Department of Homeland Security.
Sanger cites his role in “documenting how Russian
operatives are becoming stealthier, learning from
the mistakes they made in 2016.” These Russki agents
are so devilishly clever that they successfully
conceal all traces of their insidious manipulation
of American elections.
In Sanger’s make-believe world, the very absence
of evidence of Russian interference is proof of
their subversion. His story line is a modern-day
version of Senator Joseph McCarthy’s anticommunist
invocations of a “conspiracy so vast.”
No American is safe from Putin’s tentacles.
Sanger claims that Russia is “feeding disinformation
to unsuspecting Americans on Facebook and other
social media." He continues: "By seeding conspiracy
theories and baseless claims on the platforms,
Russians hope everyday Americans will retransmit
those falsehoods from their own accounts.”
He concludes, with apparent regret over the
existence of freedom of speech, “It is much harder
to ban the words of real Americans, who may be
parroting a Russian story line, even
unintentionally.”
The anti-Russia narrative has the most ominous
implications for the democratic rights of the
American people. The New York Times implies
that any expression of social discontent in the
United States, and, above all, the growing anger
over mounting social inequality, can be
delegitimized as “parroting a Russian story line”
and outlawed.
The claims by the intelligence agencies that
Sanders is the beneficiary of Russian support have
been taken up by leading figures in the Democratic
Party establishment. Appearing on the ABC News
Sunday interview program “This Week,” former Chicago
Mayor Rahm Emanuel, who served as chief of staff in
the Obama White House, said that Sanders’ rise in
the Democratic presidential contest was a case of
Putin and Trump picking the weakest possible
opponent in order to ensure Trump’s reelection.
These reactions are not merely the expression of
the virulent hatred of socialism on the part of the
Democratic leadership, even in the watered-down and
entirely passive version that Sanders advances under
the label “democratic socialism.” A Sanders
campaign, with its emphasis on economic inequality
and appeals to popular hostility to billionaires and
corporate America, would cut across the political
agenda of the Democratic leadership.
The Democratic Party establishment has long
wanted to conduct the 2020 election campaign against
Trump as a continuation of the anti-Russia campaign
that produced the Mueller Report and then the
impeachment of Trump for delaying military aid to
Ukraine for its war with Russia, which ended in his
acquittal in the Senate. As House Speaker Nancy
Pelosi never tires of repeating, “All roads lead to
Russia.”
The Democratic Party wants to center the 2020
presidential campaign on the claim that Trump is an
agent or stooge of Russian President Vladimir Putin
and to present the Democrats as the defenders of
“our” intelligence agencies and “our” diplomats and
generals against the interference of Moscow in
American politics.
In the event that such a campaign succeeded in
ousting Trump, the result would be portrayed as a
popular mandate for military escalation against
Russia, as well as China, threatening the prospect
of open warfare between the world’s main nuclear
powers. Regardless of the outcome, however, a
campaign focused on anti-Russian hysteria would
serve to suppress the mounting social tensions in
America and block any political expression of the
seething anger in the working class.
The reaction of the party establishment to the
rise of Sanders only underscores the central
political reality that the Democratic Party is
controlled by the intelligence agencies and the
financial elites, not the millions who vote in
primaries and caucuses. The Democratic Party is a
capitalist party, the oldest in America, an
institution the ruling class will fight to retain
control of, using all the methods at its disposal,
from media propaganda and dirty tricks to outright
violence.
The response of the Democratic Party
establishment demonstrates the bankruptcy of
Sanders’ political strategy. The party Sanders
identifies as a vehicle for social change is
actually a political straitjacket, notorious for
smothering and destroying every popular challenge
from below.
As is his invariable practice, Sanders has
responded to the onslaught of Russia-baiting against
him by validating the baseless allegation that
Russia has actually engaged in significant
interference in US politics. At the same time, he is
responding to his new “front-runner” status by
seeking to reassure the Democratic Party
establishment.
In his interview Sunday night on the CBS program
“60 Minutes,” he dismissed with a mocking tone the
identification of his campaign with calls for
“revolution,” saying he did not want to focus on
that slogan.
He went on to tell his interviewer, Anderson
Cooper, that he would “absolutely” be willing to use
military force if he were elected president, and
boasted that “we have the best military in the
world.”
Sanders is already making the concessions and
adjustments that will frustrate his many supporters,
who view him as an apostle of radical political
change. This is the inevitable outcome of his
efforts to keep popular opposition within the
framework of the Democratic Party. While claiming to
change the Democratic Party, the Democratic Party is
rapidly changing him.
The real answer to the conspiracies of the
Democratic Party is the fight to mobilize the
working class in opposition to both parties and the
entire capitalist system. In its election campaign,
the Socialist Equality Party and its candidates,
Joseph Kishore and Norissa Santa Cruz, are
spearheading the fight to build a socialist
leadership in the working class and youth.
Tonight, the SEP will livestream online a
meeting at Ann Arbor, Michigan, featuring Joseph
Kishore and SEP National Chairman David North. For
more information, visit
socialism2020.org/townhall.
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