Empire,
Intervention, and the Intentional Sacrifice of
U.S. Soldiers
By Jacob G. Hornberger
The march
of death. Taken during the March of Death from
Bataan to Cabana Tuan prison camp. May 1942.
(Defense depart., USMC 114538, #
127-GR-111-114538, National Archives).
December 02, 2019 "Information
Clearing House"
-On
April 9, 1942, 12,000 U.S. troops paid the price
of U.S. empire and intervention when they
surrendered to Japanese forces at Bataan,
Philippines. During the resulting “Bataan death
march,” 600 of them died, and then another 1,000
died after they were transported to Japanese POW
camps.
The Constitution called into
existence a limited-government republic. No
Pentagon, no CIA, and no NSA. Just a relatively
small military force. No foreign military
empire, no foreign colonies, and no U.S.
military bases in foreign countries. That system
lasted for more than a century.
By the same
token, the original foreign policy of the United
States was one of non-intervention in the
affairs of other nations. No coups, foreign wars
of aggression, foreign aid, state-sponsored
assassinations, alliances with foreign regimes,
or regime-change operations. That system too
lasted about a century.
Notwithstanding
the horrors of slavery, America’s
limited-government structure and its
non-imperialist, non-interventionist foreign
policy were among the factors that led to the
greatest and longest surge
in liberty, peace, prosperity, and
standards of living in history.
The Spanish American War
The turn toward
empire and intervention began with the Spanish
American War, a watershed event that would lead
to those 12,000 U.S. troops surrendering to
Japanese forces almost 45 years later. The
argument was that in order to be a great nation,
America needed to acquire overseas colonies,
just like the British and Spanish Empires.
During the
Spanish-American War, Filipinos were fighting
for independence from Spain. The U.S. government
intervened in the conflict, with the ostensible
aim of helping the Filipinos win their
independence. It was a lie, one that the
Filipinos discovered soon after Spain
capitulated. In fact, the real aim of U.S.
officials was simply to replace Spanish rule
with U.S rule.
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The Filipinos
decided to keep fighting, this time for
independence from the United States. U.S.
forces brutally put down the revolt, killing
and torturing hundreds of thousands of
Filipinos in the process. After the U.S.
conquest of the Philippines, U.S. officials
took military control over the islands,
constructed many military bases, and
stationed thousands of U.S. troops there.
That’s why those
12,000 U.S. troops were there when Japan
attacked the islands. The turn toward empire and
intervention in 1898 put U.S. forces there and
had kept them there for more than four decades
of U.S. colonial rule.
World War I
The Spanish
American War was followed by U.S. intervention
into World War I. There had been no invasion of
the United States. Nonetheless, President Wilson
decided that he would intervene in the war with
two aims: (1) to put a permanent stop to
European wars by defeating Germany decisively;
and (2) making the world “safe for democracy.”
To accomplish is war aims, Wilson had to
conscript (i.e, force) American men into
fighting his war.
It was a
disaster, and the American people knew it. More
than 50,000 American men were killed in combat,
and for nothing. Despite the total victory
achieved against Germany, within a short time
Adolf Hitler and his Nazi Party rose to power in
Germany, and war clouds were forming over Europe
once again. So much for Wilson’s “war to end all
wars” and to “make the world safe for
democracy.”
World War II
Not surprisingly,
the American people were overwhelmingly dead-set
against U.S. involvement in another European
war. President Franklin Roosevelt said he was
too, as reflected by his statement to the
American people during his 1940 presidential
campaign, “I have said this before, but I shall
say it again and again and again: Your boys are
not going to be sent into any foreign wars.”
It was a lie. In
fact, Roosevelt was secretly trying to do
everything he could to embroil the United States
in the war.
So, why didn’t
FDR simply send U.S. troops into battle, as U.S.
presidents do today? During that time,
presidents were still complying with the
declaration-of-war provision in the U.S.
Constitution, a provision that interventionists
today say is “antiquated.” That provision
prohibits the president from waging war against
another nation-state without first securing a
declaration of war from Congress. The Framers
inserted that provision to protect the American
people from presidents who were overeager to
embroil the nation into war.
Roosevelt knew
that there was no way he could persuade Congress
to declare war against either Germany or Japan.
That’s because the American people were
overwhelmingly against entry into anther of
Europe’s perpetual wars.
However, the wily
and persistent Roosevelt did not give up. At
first he tried his best to goad Germany into
attacking U.S. vessels. His plan was to
announce, “We have been attacked! Now, give me
my declaration of war!” But the Germans had no
interest in once again going to war against the
United States. They refused to take FDR’s bait.
A back door to war
That’s when the
wily and persistent Roosevelt went into the
Pacific, with the aim of finding a “back door”
to the European conflict. To goad the Japanese
into attacking the United States, he engaged in
a series of actions designed to squeeze and
humiliate them, none of which were authorized by
the Constitution. Such steps included the
seizure of Japanese assets in the United States
and, more important, a total embargo on oil,
which Roosevelt knew the Japanese desperately
needed for their military campaign in China. FDR
also deliberately set humiliating demands on
Japanese officials as part of “peace”
negotiations, knowing full well that they would
never accept them.
Roosevelt and his
cohorts knew that their efforts were paying off
because they had broken the Japanese diplomatic
codes and were reading their communications,
which were suggesting that war was a virtual
certainty.
In the abundance
of precaution, Roosevelt could have ordered the
withdrawal of all 12,000 U.S. troops from the
Philippines. But that was the last thing he
wanted to do, for two reasons: It would have
meant that the United States would no longer
control the Philippines as an imperialist
possession and, more important, the troops would
no longer be serving as bait to lure the
Japanese into attacking.
On December 7,
1941, Japanese forces attacked U.S. battleships
at Pearl Harbor (U.S. aircraft carriers had been
withdrawn before the attack). The Japanese aim
was not to invade and conquer the United States
but rather to knock out the U.S. fleet, which
would have given Japan a free hand in securing
oil in the Dutch East Indies. A day later, Japan
attacked the Philippines, an island nation 8,000
miles away from American shores in which those
12,000 U.S. troops were stationed. Several
months later, out of supplies and ammunition,
those 12,000 troops, along with more than 50,000
Filipino troops, surrendered to Japanese forces.
It was the largest contingent of U.S. military
forces to surrender in U.S. history.
FDR had gotten
wanted he wanted — a war against Japan and a
“back door” to war in Europe. 12,000 U.S.
soldiers in the Philippines and more than 2,000
U.S. soldiers in Hawaii paid the price for
empire and intervention and Roosevelt’s
unconstitutional machinations.
Jacob G. Hornberger is founder and
president of The Future of Freedom Foundation.
He was born and raised in Laredo, Texas, and
received his B.A. in economics from Virginia
Military Institute and his law degree from the
University of Texas. He was a trial attorney for
twelve years in Texas. He also was an adjunct
professor at the University of Dallas, where he
taught law and economics. Send him
email.
This article was originally
published by "FFF"
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