We're in a permanent coup
Americans might soon wish they just waited to vote
their way out of the Trump era
By Matt Taibbi
October 14, 2019 "Information
Clearing House" -
I’ve lived through a few
coups. They’re insane, random, and terrifying, like
watching sports, except your political future
depends on the score.
The kickoff begins when a key official decides to
buck the executive. From that moment, government
becomes a high-speed head-counting exercise. Who’s
got the power plant, the airport, the police in the
capital? How many department chiefs are answering
their phones? Who’s writing tonight’s newscast?
When the KGB in 1991 tried to reassume control of
the crumbling Soviet Union by placing Mikhail
Gorbachev under arrest and attempting to seize
Moscow, logistics ruled. Boris Yeltsin’s crew drove
to the Russian White House
in ordinary cars, beating KGB coup plotters who
were trying to reach the seat of Russian government
in armored vehicles. A key moment came when one of
Yeltsin’s men, Alexander Rutskoi – who two years
later would himself lead a
coup against Yeltsin – prevailed upon a Major in
a tank unit to defy KGB orders and turn on the
“criminals.”
We have long been spared this madness in America.
Our head-counting ceremony was Election Day. We did
it once every four years.
That’s all over, in the Trump era.
On Thursday, news broke that two businessmen said
to have “peddled supposedly explosive information
about corruption involving Hillary Clinton and Joe
Biden” were
arrested at Dulles airport on “campaign finance
violations.” The two figures are alleged to be
bagmen bearing “dirt” on Democrats, solicited by
Trump and his personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani.
Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman will be asked to give
depositions to impeachment investigators. They’re
reportedly going to refuse. Their lawyer John Dowd
also says they will “refuse to appear before House
Committees investigating President Donald Trump.”
Fruman and Parnas meanwhile claim they had real
derogatory information about Biden and other
politicians, but “the U.S. government had shown
little interest in receiving it through official
channels.”
For Americans not familiar with the language of
the Third World, that’s two contrasting denials of
political legitimacy.
The men who are the proxies for Donald Trump and
Rudy Giuliani in this story are asserting that
“official channels” have been corrupted. The forces
backing impeachment, meanwhile, are telling us those
same defendants are obstructing a lawful impeachment
inquiry.
This latest incident, set against the impeachment
mania and the reportedly “expanding” Russiagate
investigation of U.S. Attorney John Durham,
accelerates our timeline to chaos. We are speeding
toward a situation when someone in one of these
camps refuses to obey a major decree, arrest order,
or court decision, at which point Americans will get
to experience the joys of their political futures
being decided by phone calls to generals and police
chiefs.
My discomfort in the last few years, first with
Russiagate and now with Ukrainegate and impeachment,
stems from the belief that the people pushing
hardest for Trump’s early removal are more dangerous
than Trump. Many Americans don’t see this because
they’re not used to waking up in a country where
you’re not sure who the president will be by
nightfall. They don’t understand that this
predicament is worse than having a bad president.
The Trump presidency is the first to reveal a
full-blown schism between the intelligence community
and the White House. Senior figures in the CIA, NSA,
FBI and other agencies made an open break from their
would-be boss before Trump’s inauguration,
commencing a public war of leaks that has not
stopped.
The first big shot was fired in early January,
2017, via a CNN.com headline, “Intel
chiefs presented Trump with claims of Russian
efforts to compromise him.” This tale, about the
January 7th presentation of former British spy
Christopher Steele’s report to then-President-elect
Trump, began as follows:
Classified documents presented last week to
President Obama and President-elect Trump
included allegations that Russian operatives
claim to have compromising personal and
financial information about Mr. Trump, multiple
US officials with direct knowledge of the
briefings tell CNN.
Four intelligence chiefs in the FBI’s James
Comey, the CIA’s John Brennan, the NSA’s Mike
Rogers, and Director of National Intelligence James
Clapper, presented an incoming president with a
politically disastrous piece of information, in this
case a piece of a private opposition research
report.
Among other things because the news dropped at
the same time Buzzfeed
decided to publish the entire “bombshell” Steele
dossier, reporters spent that week obsessing not
about the mode of the story’s release, but about the
“claims.” In particular, audiences were rapt by
allegations that Russians were trying to blackmail
Trump with evidence of a golden shower party
commissioned on a bed once slept upon by Barack
Obama himself.
Twitter exploded. No other news story mattered.
For the next two years, the “claims” of compromise
and a “continuing” Trump-Russian “exchange” hung
over the White House like a sword of Damocles.
Few were interested in the motives for making
this story public. As it turned out, there were two
explanations, one that was made public, and one that
only came out later. The public justification as
outlined in the CNN piece, was to “make the
President-elect aware that such allegations
involving him [were] circulating among intelligence
agencies.”
However, we know from
Comey’s January 7, 2017 memo to deputy Andrew
McCabe and FBI General Counsel James Baker there was
another explanation. Comey wrote:
I said I wasn’t saying this was true, only
that I wanted [Trump] to know both that it had
been reported and that the reports were in many
hands. I said media like CNN had them and were
looking for a news hook. I said it was important
that we not give them the excuse to write that
the FBI has the material or [redacted] and that
we were keeping it very close-hold.
Imagine if a similar situation had taken place in
January of 2009, involving president-elect Barack
Obama. Picture a meeting between Obama and the heads
of the CIA, NSA, and FBI, along with the DIA, in
which the newly-elected president is presented with
a report complied by, say, Judicial Watch, accusing
him of links to al-Qaeda. Imagine further that they
tell Obama they are presenting him with this
information to make him aware of a blackmail threat,
and to reassure him they won’t give news agencies a
“hook” to publish the news.
Now imagine if that news came out on Fox days
later. Imagine further that within a year, one of
the four officials became a paid Fox contributor.
Democrats would lose their minds in this
set of circumstances.
The country mostly did not lose its mind,
however, because the episode did not involve a
traditionally presidential figure like Obama, nor
was it understood to have been directed at the
institution of “the White House” in the abstract.
Instead, it was a story about an infamously
corrupt individual, Donald Trump, a pussy-grabbing
scammer who bragged about using bankruptcy to escape
debt and publicly praised Vladimir Putin. Audiences
believed the allegations against this person and saw
the intelligence/counterintelligence community as
acting patriotically, doing their best to keep us
informed about a still-breaking investigation of a
rogue president.
But a parallel story was ignored. Leaks from the
intelligence community most often pertain to foreign
policy. The leak of the January, 2017 “meeting”
between the four chiefs and Trump – which without
question damaged both the presidency and America’s
standing abroad – was an unprecedented act of
insubordination.
It was also a bold new foray into domestic
politics by intelligence agencies that in recent
decades began asserting all sorts of frightening new
authority. They were kidnapping foreigners,
assassinating by drone, conducting paramilitary
operations without congressional notice, building an
international archipelago of secret prisons, and
engaging in mass warrantless surveillance of
Americans. We found out in a court case just last
week how extensive the illegal domestic surveillance
has been, with the FBI engaging in
tens of thousands of warrantless searches
involving American emails and phone numbers under
the guise of combating foreign subversion.
Are You Tired Of
The Lies And
Non-Stop Propaganda?
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The agencies’ new trick is inserting
themselves into domestic politics using
leaks and media pressure. The “intel
chiefs” meeting was just the first in a
series of similar stories, many
following the pattern in which a
document was created, passed from
department from department, and leaked.
A sample:
- February 14, 2017: “four current and former
officials”
tell the
New York Times the Trump campaign had
“repeated contacts” with Russian intelligence.
- March 1, 2017: “Justice Department
officials” tell the Washington Post
Attorney General Jeff Sessions “spoke twice with
Russia’s ambassador” and did not disclose the
contacts ahead of his confirmation hearing.
- March 18, 2017: “people familiar with the
matter” tell the Wall Street Journal
that former Trump National Security Adviser
Michael Flynn failed to disclose a “contact”
with a Russian at Cambridge University, an
episode that “came to the notice of U.S.
intelligence.”
- April 8, 2017, 2017: “law enforcement and
other U.S. officials”
tell the
Washington Post the secret Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Court judge had ruled
there was “probable cause” to believe former
Trump aide Carter Page was an “agent of a
foreign power.”
- April 13, 2017: a “source close to UK
intelligence” tells Luke Harding at The
Guardian that the British analog to the
NSA, the GCHQ, passed knowledge of “suspicious
interactions” between “figures connected to
Trump and “known or suspected Russian agents” to
Americans as part of a “routine exchange of
information.”
- December 17, 2017: “four current and former
American and foreign officials”
tell the
New York Times that during the 2016
campaign, an Australian diplomat named Alexander
Downer told “American counterparts” that former
Trump aide George Papadopoulos revealed “Russia
had political dirt on Hillary Clinton.
- April 13, 2018: “two sources familiar with
the matter”
tell
McClatchy that Special Counsel Robert
Mueller’s office has evidence Trump lawyer
Michael Cohen was in Prague in 2016, “confirming
part of [Steele] dossier.”
- November 27, 2018: a “well-placed
source” tells Harding at The Guardian
that former Trump campaign manager Paul
Manafort met with Julian Assange at the
Ecuadorian embassy in London.
- January 19, 2019: “former law enforcement
officials and others familiar with the
investigation” tell
the
New York Times the FBI opened an
inquiry into the “explosive implications” of
whether or not Donald Trump was working on
behalf of the Russians.
To be sure, “people familiar with the matter”
leaked a lot of true stories in the last few years,
but many were clearly problematic even at the time
of release. Moreover, all took place in the context
of constant, hounding pressure from media figures,
congressional allies like Democrats Adam Schiff and
Eric Swalwell, as well as ex-officials who could
make use of their own personal public platforms in
addition to being unnamed sources in straight news
reports. They used commercial news platforms to
argue that Trump had
committed treason, needed to be removed from
office, and preferably also
indicted as soon as possible.
A shocking number of these voices were former
intelligence officers who joined Clapper in
becoming paid news contributors. Op-ed pages and
news networks are packed now with ex-spooks
editorializing about stories in which they had
personal involvement:
Michael Morell,
Michael Hayden,
Asha Rangappa, and
Andrew
McCabe among many others, including especially
all four of the original “intel chiefs”:
Clapper,
Rogers,
Comey, and
MSNBC headliner John Brennan.
Russiagate birthed a whole brand of politics, a
government-in-exile, which prosecuted its case
against Trump via a constant stream of “approved”
leaks, partisans in congress, and an increasingly
unified and thematically consistent set of
commercial news outlets.
These mechanisms have been transplanted now onto
the Ukrainegate drama. It’s the same people beating
the public drums, with the messaging run out of the
same congressional committees, through the same
Nadlers, Schiffs, and Swalwells. The same news
outlets are on full alert.
The sidelined “intel chiefs” are once again
playing central roles in making the public case.
Comey says “we
may now be at a point” where impeachment is
necessary. Brennan, with unintentional irony, says
the United States is “no
longer a democracy.” Clapper says the Ukraine
whistleblower complaint is “one
of the most credible” he’s seen.
As a reporter covering the 2015–2016 presidential
race, I thought Trump’s campaign was disturbing on
many levels, but logical as a news story. He
succeeded for class reasons, because of flaws in the
media business that gifted him mass amounts of
coverage, and because he took cunning advantage of
long-simmering frustrations in the electorate. He
also clearly catered to racist fears, and to the
collapse in trust in institutions like the news
media, the Fed, corporations, NATO, and, yes, the
intelligence services. In enormous numbers, voters
rejected everything they had ever been told about
who was and was not qualified for higher office.
Trump’s campaign antagonism toward the military
and intelligence world was at best a millimeter
thick. Like almost everything else he said as a
candidate, it was a gimmick, designed to get votes.
That he was insincere and full of it and
irresponsible, at first at least, when he attacked
the “deep state” and the “fake news media,” doesn’t
change the reality of what’s happened since. Even
paranoiacs have enemies, and even Donald “Deep
State” Trump is a legitimately elected president
whose ouster is being actively sought by the
intelligence community.
Trump stands accused of using the office of the
presidency to advance political aims, in particular
pressuring Ukraine to investigate potential campaign
rival Joe Biden. He’s guilty, but the issue is how
guilty, in comparison to his accusers.
Trump, at least insofar as we know, has not used
section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance
Act to monitor political rivals. He hasn’t deployed
human counterintelligence “informants” to follow the
likes of Hunter Biden. He hasn’t maneuvered to
secure Special Counsel probes of Democrats.
And while Donald Trump conducting foreign policy
based on what he sees on Fox and Friends is
troubling, it’s not in the same ballpark as CNN,
MSNBC, the Washington Post and the New
York Times engaging in de facto coverage
partnerships with the FBI and CIA to push highly
politicized, phony narratives like Russiagate.
Trump’s tinpot Twitter threats and cancellation
of White House privileges for dolts like Jim Acosta
also don’t begin to compare to the danger posed by
Facebook, Google, and Twitter – under pressure from
the Senate – organizing with groups like the
Atlantic Council to fight “fake news” in the name of
preventing the “foment of discord.”
I don’t believe most Americans have thought
through what a successful campaign to oust Donald
Trump would look like. Most casual news consumers
can only think of it in terms of Mike Pence becoming
president. The real problem would be the precedent
of a de facto intelligence community veto over
elections, using the lunatic spookworld brand of
politics that has dominated the last three years of
anti-Trump agitation.
CIA/FBI-backed impeachment could also be a
self-fulfilling prophecy. If Donald Trump thinks
he’s going to be jailed upon leaving office, he’ll
sooner or later figure out that his only real move
is to start acting like the “dictator”
MSNBC and CNN keep insisting he is. Why give up
the White House and wait to be arrested, when he
still has theoretical authority to send Special
Forces troops rappelling through the windows of
every last Russiagate/Ukrainegate leaker? That would
be the endgame in a third world country, and it’s
where we’re headed, unless someone calls off this
craziness. Welcome to the Permanent Power Struggle.
Matthew C. Taibbi is an American author and
journalist. He has reported on politics, media,
finance, and sports. He is currently a contributing
editor for Rolling Stone.This article was
originally published by "Rolling
Stone"- -
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