By John W. Whitehead
“Since when have we Americans been expected
to bow submissively to authority and speak with
awe and reverence to those who represent us? The
constitutional theory is that we the people are
the sovereigns, the state and federal officials
only our agents. We who have the final word can
speak softly or angrily. We can seek to
challenge and annoy, as we need not stay docile
and quiet.”—Justice William O. Douglas,
dissenting, Colten v. Kentucky, 407
U.S. 104 (1972)
September 29, 2019 "Information
Clearing House" - Forget everything
you’ve ever been taught about free speech in
America.
It’s all a lie.
There can be no free speech for the citizenry
when the government speaks in a language of force.
What is this language of force?
Militarized police. Riot squads. Camouflage gear.
Black uniforms. Armored vehicles. Mass arrests.
Pepper spray. Tear gas. Batons. Strip searches.
Surveillance cameras.
Kevlar vests. Drones.
Lethal weapons. Less-than-lethal
weapons unleashed with deadly force. Rubber
bullets. Water cannons. Stun grenades. Arrests of
journalists.
Crowd control tactics. Intimidation tactics.
Brutality.
This is not the language of freedom.
This is not even the language of law and order.
This is the language of force.
Unfortunately, this is how the government at all
levels—federal, state and local—now responds to
those who choose to exercise their First Amendment
right to peacefully assemble in public and challenge
the status quo.
This police overkill isn’t just happening in
troubled hot spots such as Ferguson, Mo., and
Baltimore, Md., where police brutality gave rise to
civil unrest, which was met with a militarized show
of force that caused the whole stew of discontent to
bubble over into violence.
A decade earlier, the NYPD engaged in mass
arrests of peaceful protesters, bystanders, legal
observers and journalists who had gathered for the
2004 Republican National Convention. The protesters
were subjected to blanket fingerprinting and
detained for more than 24 hours at a “filthy,
toxic pier that had been a bus depot.” That
particular exercise in police intimidation tactics
cost New York City taxpayers nearly $18 million for
what would become the largest protest settlement in
history.
Demonstrators, journalists and legal observers
who had gathered in North Dakota to peacefully
protest the Dakota Access Pipeline reported being
pepper sprayed, beaten with batons, and strip
searched by police.
In the college town of Charlottesville, Va.,
protesters who took to the streets to peacefully
express their disapproval of a planned KKK rally
were held at bay by
implacable lines of gun-wielding riot police.
Only after a motley crew of Klansmen had been safely
escorted to and from the rally by black-garbed
police did the assembled army of city, county and
state police declare the public gathering unlawful
and proceed to
unleash canisters of tear gas on the few remaining
protesters to force them to disperse.
More recently, this militarized exercise in
intimidation—complete
with an armored vehicle and an army of police drones—reared
its ugly head in the small town of Dahlonega, Ga.,
where 600 state and local militarized
police clad in full riot gear vastly outnumbered the
50 protesters and 150 counterprotesters who had
gathered to voice their approval/disapproval of the
Trump administration’s policies.
Are You Tired Of
The Lies And
Non-Stop Propaganda?
|
To be clear, this is the treatment
being meted out to protesters across the
political spectrum.
The police state does not discriminate.
As a USA Today article notes, “Federally
arming police with weapons of war
silences protesters across all justice movements…
People demanding justice, demanding accountability
or demanding basic human rights without resorting to
violence, should not be greeted with machine guns
and tanks. Peaceful protest is democracy in action.
It is a forum for those who feel disempowered or
disenfranchised. Protesters should not have to face
intimidation by weapons of war.”
A militarized police response to protesters poses
a danger to all those involved, protesters and
police alike. In fact,
militarization makes police more likely to turn to
violence to solve problems.
As a study by researchers at Stanford University
makes clear, “When law enforcement receives more
military materials — weapons, vehicles and tools —
it becomes … more likely to jump into high-risk
situations.
Militarization makes every problem — even a car of
teenagers driving away from a party — look like a
nail that should be hit with an AR-15 hammer.”
Even the color of a police officer’s uniform adds
to the tension. As the Department of Justice
reports, “Some research has suggested that the
uniform color can influence the wearer—with
black producing aggressive tendencies,
tendencies that may produce unnecessary conflict
between police and the very people they serve.”
You want to turn a peaceful protest into a riot?
Bring in the militarized police with their guns
and black uniforms and warzone tactics and “comply
or die” mindset. Ratchet up the tension across the
board. Take what should be a healthy exercise in
constitutional principles (free speech, assembly and
protest) and turn it into a lesson in
authoritarianism.
Mind you, those who respond with violence are
playing into the government’s hands perfectly.
The government wants a reason to crack down and
lock down and bring in its biggest guns.
They want us divided. They want us to turn on one
another.
They want us powerless in the face of their
artillery and armed forces.
They want us silent, servile and compliant.
They certainly do not want us to remember that we
have rights, let alone attempting to exercise those
rights peaceably and lawfully.
And they definitely do not want us to engage in
First Amendment activities that challenge the
government’s power, reveal the government’s
corruption, expose the government’s lies, and
encourage the citizenry to push back against the
government’s many injustices.
You know how one mayor characterized the tear
gassing of protesters by riot police? He called it
an “unfortunate
event.”
Unfortunate, indeed.
You know what else is unfortunate?
It’s unfortunate that these overreaching,
heavy-handed lessons in how to rule by force have
become standard operating procedure for a government
that communicates with its citizenry primarily
through the language of brutality, intimidation and
fear.
It’s unfortunate that “we the people” have become
the proverbial nails to be hammered into submission
by the government and its vast armies.
And it’s particularly unfortunate that government
officials—especially police—seem to believe that
anyone who wears a government uniform (soldier,
police officer, prison guard) must be obeyed without
question.
In other words, “we the people” are the servants
in the government’s eyes rather than the masters.
The government’s rationale goes like this:
Do exactly what I say, and we’ll get along
fine. Do not question me or talk back in any
way. You do not have the right to object to
anything I may say or ask you to do, or ask for
clarification if my demands are unclear or
contradictory. You must obey me under all
circumstances without hesitation, no matter how
arbitrary, unreasonable, discriminatory, or
blatantly racist my commands may be. Anything
other than immediate perfect servile compliance
will be labeled as resisting arrest, and expose
you to the possibility of a violent reaction
from me. That reaction could cause you severe
injury or even death. And I will suffer no
consequences. It’s your choice: Comply,
or die.
Indeed, as Officer Sunil Dutta of the Los Angeles
Police Department advises:
If you don’t want to get shot, tased,
pepper-sprayed, struck with a baton or thrown to
the ground, just do what I tell you. Don’t
argue with me, don’t call me names, don’t tell
me that I can’t stop you, don’t say I’m a racist
pig, don’t threaten that you’ll sue me and take
away my badge. Don’t scream at me that you pay
my salary, and don’t even think of aggressively
walking towards me.
This is not the rhetoric of a government that is
of the people, by the people, and for the people.
This is not the attitude of someone who
understands, let alone respects, free speech.
And this is certainly not what I would call “community
policing,” which is supposed to emphasize the
importance of the relationship between the police
and the community they serve.
Indeed, this is martial law masquerading as law
and order.
Any police officer who tells you that he needs
tanks, SWAT teams, and pepper spray to do his job
shouldn’t be a police officer in a constitutional
republic.
All that stuff in the First Amendment (about
freedom of speech, religion, press, peaceful
assembly and the right to petition the government
for a redress of grievances) sounds great in theory.
However, it amounts to little more than a hill of
beans if you have to exercise those freedoms while
facing down an army of police equipped with deadly
weapons, surveillance devices, and a slew of laws
that empower them to arrest and charge citizens with
bogus
“contempt of cop” charges (otherwise known as
asserting your constitutional rights).
It doesn’t have to be this way.
There are other, far better models to follow.
For instance, back in 2011, the St. Louis police
opted to employ a passive response to Occupy St.
Louis activists. First, police gave the protesters
nearly 36 hours’ notice to clear the area, as
opposed to the 20 to 60 minutes’ notice other cities
gave. Then, as journalist Brad Hicks
reports, when the police finally showed up:
They didn’t show up in riot gear and helmets,
they showed up in shirt sleeves with their faces
showing. They not only didn’t show up with SWAT
gear, they showed up with no unusual weapons at
all, and what weapons they had all securely
holstered. They politely woke everybody up. They
politely helped everybody who was willing to
remove their property from the park to do so.
They then asked, out of the 75 to 100 people
down there, how many people were volunteering
for being-arrested duty? Given 33 hours to think
about it, and 10 hours to sweat it over, only 27
volunteered. As the police already knew, those
people’s legal advisers had advised them not to
even passively resist, so those 27 people lined
up to be peacefully arrested, and were escorted
away by a handful of cops. The rest were advised
to please continue to protest, over there on the
sidewalk … and what happened next was the most
absolutely brilliant piece of crowd control
policing I have heard of in my entire lifetime.
All of the cops who weren’t busy transporting
and processing the voluntary arrestees lined up,
blocking the stairs down into the plaza. They
stood shoulder to shoulder. They kept calm and
silent. They positioned the weapons on their
belts out of sight. They crossed their hands low
in front of them, in exactly the least
provocative posture known to man. And
they peacefully, silently, respectfully occupied
the plaza, using exactly the same non-violent
resistance techniques that the protesters
themselves had been trained in.
As Forbes concluded, “This is a more
humane, less costly, and ultimately more productive
way to handle a protest. This is great proof that
police can do it the old fashioned way - using
their brains and common sense instead of tanks, SWAT
teams, and pepper spray - and have better results.”
It can be done.
Police will not voluntarily give up their gadgets
and war toys and combat tactics, however. Their
training and inclination towards authoritarianism
has become too ingrained.
If we are to have any hope of dismantling the
police state, change must start locally, community
by community. Citizens will have to demand that
police de-escalate and de-militarize. And if the
police don’t listen, contact your city councils and
put the pressure on them.
Remember, they are supposed to work for us. They
might not like hearing it—they certainly won’t like
being reminded of it—but we pay their salaries with
our hard-earned tax dollars.
“We the people” have got to stop accepting the
lame excuses trotted out by police as justifications
for their inexcusable behavior.
Either “we the people” believe in free speech or
we don’t.
Either we live in a constitutional republic or a
police state.
We have rights.
As Justice William O. Douglas advised in his
dissent in Colten v. Kentucky, “we need not
stay docile and quiet” in the face of authority.
The Constitution does not require Americans to be
servile or even civil to government officials.
Neither does the Constitution require obedience
(although it does insist on nonviolence).
This emphasis on nonviolence goes both ways.
Somehow, the government keeps overlooking this
important element in the equation.
There is nothing safe or secure or free about
exercising your rights with a rifle pointed at you.
The police officer who has been trained to shoot
first and ask questions later, oftentimes based only
on their highly subjective “feeling” of being
threatened, is just as much of a danger—if not
more—as any violence that might erupt from a protest
rally.
Compliance is no guarantee of safety.
Then again, as I point out in my book
Battlefield America: The War on the American
People, if we just cower before government
agents and meekly obey, we may find ourselves
following in the footsteps of those nations that
eventually fell to tyranny.
The alternative involves standing up and speaking
truth to power. Jesus Christ walked that road. So
did Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., and
countless other freedom fighters whose actions
changed the course of history.
Indeed, had Christ merely complied with the Roman
police state, there would have been no crucifixion
and no Christian religion. Had Gandhi meekly fallen
in line with the British Empire’s dictates, the
Indian people would never have won their
independence.
Had Martin Luther King Jr. obeyed the laws of his
day, there would have been no civil rights movement.
And if the founding fathers had marched in lockstep
with royal decrees, there would have been no
American Revolution.
We must adopt a different mindset and follow a
different path if we are to alter the outcome of
these interactions with police.
The American dream was built on the idea that no
one is above the law, that our rights are
inalienable and cannot be taken away, and that our
government and its appointed agents exist to serve
us.
It may be that things are too far gone to save,
but still we must try.
Constitutional attorney and author John W.
Whitehead is founder and president of The
Rutherford Institute. His new book Battlefield
America: The War on the American People
is available at
www.amazon.com. Whitehead can be
contacted at johnw@rutherford.org.
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