What Bibi knows is exactly what Trump, in his heart
of hearts, must truly fear. The look of a different
wall from the inside. The prison wall
By Bradley BurstonSeptember 18, 2019 "Information
Clearing House" -
True, Donald Trump promised
and failed to deliver a wall paid for by the
Mexicans he so viciously incited against. And true,
he has forced military families into distress, their
children denied proper schools and other
necessities, just to pay for part of the wall he’s
failed to deliver.
But, from the first and all along, the flailing
president had one strong, imposing wall to fall back
on. And now it’s gone. It was called
Benjamin Netanyahu.
The purpose of the Trump Wall was never to
protect Americans. Its sole purpose was to protect
Trump. And now it’s gone.
While no one can know how the next Israeli
government will shape up, one look at the prime
minister’s face, and one look at the public absence
of his activist wife, makes clear that the Benjamin
Netanyahu who has dominated Israeli politics for
most of the last quarter century, and who came to
play a key role in American political life as well,
will never be the same.
The strength of the Trump Wall — more accurately,
the Bibi Wall — was from the beginning the
indomitability of Netanyahu, the prime minister’s
adoration on the part of the American evangelical
base and of the blind-to-sin pastors who cheerlead
them.
Much more than Trump built the Bibi Wall, the
Bibi Wall built Trump. Moving the U.S. Embassy to
Jerusalem, and recognizing — in a qualified way —
the Holy City as Israel’s capital, had relatively
little impact on the Israeli electorate. But the
moves cemented
Sheldon and Miriam Adelson’s critical support of
Trump, and have become platinum selling points on
Trump’s Bible Belt and gun closet rally campaign
trail.
The fact is, the Bibi Wall began to erode and
crumble well before Netanyahu faced the cold clock
of Election Night.
In a seamless downward slide, Netanyahu’s
campaign appearances went from gigantic,
North-Korea-worthy outdoor advertisements showing
Trump and Bibi as best buddies, ruling the world
together, to a shocking tack which, in the end, cast
the White House's Israeli-Palestinian "Peace Plan of
the Century” as an imminent danger to Israel. By the
end, the talking points of the prime minister had
him openly asking Israeli voters “Who do you want
negotiating with you against Trump — me, or a
government of [Kahol Lavan leaders Yair] Lapid and
[Benny] Gantz with the Arabs?”
In a bizarre game of chicken and egg, Trump
himself hastened the fall of the Bibi Wall.
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The president’s
failure to provide a grand gesture in
support of the Netanyahu campaign was
widely noted in Israel, as were a
succession of humiliations suffered by
Netanyahu at Trump’s hands. Frantic
phone calls from Jerusalem to the White
House went unanswered. Trump summarily,
even nastily, fired Bibi soulmate John
Bolton, and the president even flirted
with the prospect of direct talks with
Iranian leaders.
For Trump, the conduct and the interim results of
the Netanyahu campaign have to be cause for serious
concern.
The serene mask of Bibi and the thin veneer of
the role of Israel’s putative royal family slipped
down badly in this campaign, and as it did, as
Netanyahu and his
number one son ripped the mufflers off the
electoral engine, racism began to look much more
literally like racism, incitement like incitement,
actively disenfranchising minorities like actively
disenfranchising minorities, and slandering as
treasonously unpatriotic anyone who was not a Bibi
voter, as exactly that.
Worst of all, from Trump’s perspective,
Netanyahu’s resort to full-throated racism backfired
badly — increasing by a quantum leap the
participation in the electoral process of the very
Arab citizens whom the prime minister had worked so
hard to demonize, marginalize and, he hoped,
alienate into a paralyzing despair.
Netanyahu’s campaign backfired so severely, and
Israeli
Arab voting surged so strongly, that the leader
of the largely Arab Joint List, Ayman Odeh, was
catapulted overnight into the front-runner for the
very mainstream position of leader of the Israeli
opposition in the Knesset.
While Netanyahu barricaded himself in the prime
minister’s fortress of a residence, Odeh was
expansive and much sought-after in speaking to
reporters on Wednesday. “We’ve endured a decade of
incitement, of being shut out, a decade of
delegitimization,” Odeh said, adding that he’s now
considering the position of opposition leader.
“This role is unprecedented for Arab citizens.
There’s great influence in it, also in the realm of
[public] awareness, consciousness.”
“We are the ones who truly lead the opposition,
therefore we are certainly worthy of the position of
opposition leader.” He noted that the opposition
leader’s role is to speak in response to the prime
minister, and to speak with world leaders on such
issues as the nation-state law and unrecognized
villages in the Negev.
“Finally, finally, there will be an opposition at
all levels in Israel.”
But for Trump, all this may pale before
Netanyahu’s worst fear. It is the specter of revolt
within his own party, and with it the loss of the
primary barrier separating the strongman leader and
the prospect of criminal prosecution.
The tottering of the Bibi Wall in Israel has been
accompanied by an eerie and uncustomary silence from
most Likud leaders — waiting, in fact, to see which
way the wall will eventually fall.
What Bibi knows is exactly what Trump, in his
heart of hearts, must truly fear. The look of a
different wall from the inside. The prison wall.
This article was originally published by "Haaretz"-
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