Vladimir
Putin Positioning Russia as the Main Player in the
Middle East
It would be Russia who does the rebuilding of Syria
after the war and Saudi Arabia who paid for it. The
two vast oil nations now seem to be set on a course
of mutual collaboration. So much for Trump’s $300bn
weapons deal with the king
By
Robert Fisk
October 23,
2017 "Information
Clearing House"
- After Israel’s victory in the 1973 Middle East
war, Soviet foreign minister Andrei Gromyko went on
22 October to see President Brezhnev at his dacha at
Zavidovo just outside Moscow. The Israelis were not
much interested in accepting a ceasefire set to
begin the previous day, and, according to Anatoly
Chernyaev, a Soviet official present at the talks,
Brezhnev wanted to encourage the Israelis to keep
the truce by offering a Soviet guarantee of Israel’s
borders. Gromyko replied that the Arabs would take
offence – but Brezhnev burst out that “we have been
offering them (the Arabs) a sensible course of
action for so many years. They wanted war and they
are welcome to it … To hell with them.”
It was a
view long shared by Soviet military officers. I
recall the remaining anger of a former Soviet
instructor in Yemen during the 1962-70 civil war,
who, showing me Red Square one cold afternoon, made
a remark almost as contemptuous as Brezhnev’s. “We
helped to train the Arabs [against the monarchists]
and they were useless and I think they should be on
their own. Let someone else save them. Why should it
be us all over again?”
In
October 1973, Brezhnev was saying the same thing. He
swore at Gromyko, said Chernyaev, for “wanting to
keep our flag and bases in the Middle East”. And
Brezhnev then shouted out: “We will not let these
f***ing people involve us in a world war!” According
to author and former British intelligence official
Gordon Barrass, who wrote one of the best books on
the Cold War eight years ago, the Soviet airlift of
military equipment to Syria stopped that very day.
How lucky
now are the Arab potentates and dictators to have a
Russian rather than a Soviet to talk to, and a fit –
some might say almost too fit – Vladimir Putin to
rely on, rather than a Brezhnev. A vacillating Obama
and a lunatic Trump, of course, do the impossible:
they make Putin look like a Roosevelt or an
Eisenhower – perhaps even the swashbuckling Theodore
Roosevelt with his Rough Riders.
Putin’s
Rough Riders in Syria are crushing the Isis threat –
and any other threat – for Bashar al-Assad’s
government. The Russians are not just bombing
Assad’s enemies and re-arming the Syrian army but
helping to arrange ceasefires. I watched them
escorting al-Nusrah and other still-armed Islamist
fighters from Homs all the way to the Turkish front
line at al-Bab (inside Syria). Russian armoured
vehicles stood on both sides of that line this year
– I saw them with my own eyes – alongside both
Syrian and Turkish occupation troops.
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Putin has
learned a few tricks from the Brezhnev days. Just as
the bankrupt Soviet president put
Tajik Muslim Soviet military units into bases west
of Kabul, so Putin has deployed Chechen Muslim
Russian soldiers into Palmyra. But these Russians
are not the Soviets of Afghanistan infamy. Many of
the officers speak fluent Arabic (and, please note,
pretty good English). Putin knows how to measure
Russian power in the Middle East, happy to keep
Moscow’s “flag and bases” in the region. And playing
Bismark across the Arab world, even in Turkey and
Israel.
Egypt’s
field marshal/president Abdel Fattah el-Sissi took
Putin to a Verdi performance in Cairo. Iran will
host him before the end of this year. Putin welcomes
both Assad loyalists and Syrian rebels to Astana. He
invites both Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and
his racist (and Soviet-born) defence minister
Lieberman – who once advocated drowning Palestinian
prisoners in the Dead Sea – to the Kremlin. And of
course, he won the cachet of a visit from King
Salman of Saudi Arabia to the Kremlin.
Undemocratic, brutally suppressing his own internal
political opponents, hateful of all Muslim
extremists – he suggested that Moscow doctors could
emasculate them – careless of what others say of his
air force’s bombing in Syria and we must not forget
Ukraine and the Crimea and Western sanctions, in the
Middle East he can wear the mantle of an
international statesman. It might all come to grief
for Putin. Failing to foresee the outcome of his
actions was regarded as his greatest fault when he
was a KGB officer in Dresden. But he’s been sending
in groups of Russian military non-FSB intelligence
men to Syria, some of them – in Aleppo – reporting
directly to the Kremlin. Maybe he has learned a
thing or two.
And so we
come back to King Salman’s visit to Moscow. Here is
a man whose kingdom maintains the same purist
Wahhabi faith which inspires Isis and the Taliban
and al-Qaeda. He signed preliminary agreements to
buy Russia’s S-400 air defence missile systems. Of
course, the king’s long speech – he enjoyed his
Kremlin banquet, they say – talked about the
necessity of preventing Iran’s destabilisation of
the Middle East. Russian foreign minister Lavrov
said Russia “supports the efforts of the Saudi
kingdom in trying to unify the Syrian opposition”.
Which particular opposition, one might like to know?
So, I imagine, would Assad.
Yet the king
was, according to Russian officials in the Middle
East, asked to participate in the rebuilding of
Syria when its war finally peters out. Quite a role
for King Salman if Assad – as all believe he will –
remains the president (or in some similar role) in
Syria. But of course, it would be Russia who does
the rebuilding, Saudi Arabia who paid for it. So the
two vast oil nations now seem to be set on a course
of mutual collaboration. So much for Trump’s $300bn
weapons deal with the King. Maybe Salman is smarter
than we think. If Putin might, for Washington, be
Ivan the Terrible, that’s better than being Trump
the Farcical for the Arabs
Robert Fisk
is the
multi-award winning Middle East correspondent of The
Independent, based in Beirut. He has lived in the
Arab world for more than 40 years, covering Lebanon,
five Israeli invasions, the Iran-Iraq war, the
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the Algerian civil
war, Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, the
Bosnian and Kosovo wars, the American invasion and
occupation of Iraq and the 2011 Arab revolutions.
This
article was originally published by
The Independent
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