The
Cost of Empire
Americans must challenge Trump's policies in
North Korea and Yemen that stem from imperial
priorities.
By Mark Weisbro
October
03, 2017 "Information
Clearing House"
- As the war of words between the governments of
Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un has spiraled into
childlike name-calling and escalating military
threats, the world shudders at the possible
consequences. The Pentagon has reportedly
estimated that a North Korean attack with
conventional weapons against the South would
kill 20,000 people a day; but deaths could reach
the millions in the event of a nuclear war.
Meanwhile, in Yemen, the U.S. is already
participating militarily in what humanitarian
aid groups have
labeled crimes
against humanity. U.S. military forces are
participating in refueling Saudi bombers and
also in their
targeting,
which has killed
thousands of
civilians. By cutting off food imports, the
Saudi-led intervention in Yemen's civil war has
put more than seven million people at the brink
of starvation.
The "Saudis are deliberately trying to create a
famine inside Yemen in order to essentially
starve the Yemenis to the negotiating table"
and "the United States is participating,"
said Sen. Chris
Murphy.
And now, as a result of the destruction, Yemen
has the worst cholera outbreak in the world,
which has infected more than
500,000 people,
with at least 2,000 deaths so far. The U.N.
estimates that
a child in Yemen dies every 10 minutes from
preventable causes.
When our government threatens whole nations
with annihilation, or participates in
massive cruelty and collective punishment in
far-away places, it is important to at least
try to understand why this happens. While
these crimes are illegal (even Trump's
threats against North Korea are
prohibited
by the U.N. charter) and nothing could
justify them, our political leaders and
policy analysts nonetheless fill the mass
media with rationales that often win at
least tacit support from many people who
should know better.
The idea that North Korea's nuclear capacity is
a threat to the U.S., in particular because Kim
might be crazy enough to attack us, was
dismissed in a recent New York Times
report:
The fear is not that Mr. Kim would
launch a pre-emptive attack on the West
Coast; that would be suicidal, and if
the 33-year-old leader has demonstrated
anything in his five years in office, he
is all about survival. But if Mr. Kim
has the potential ability to strike
back, it would shape every decision Mr.
Trump and his successors will make about
defending America's allies in the
region.
In
other words, if North Korea could retaliate
against a U.S. attack, Washington would have
less power in Asia. It seems that when we dig
beneath the surface of "national security"
arguments for terribly dangerous or violent
foreign policies, it is more often power, rather
than the security or well-being of Americans,
that underlies them. Otherwise, the negotiation
of peaceful solutions would be the first
priority.
But as recently as June, the Trump
administration
dismissed an
offer from North Korea and China to negotiate a
deal in which North Korea would freeze its
missile and nuclear testing in return for the
U.S. freezing its "big, large-scale military
exercises" in the Korean peninsula.
The same imperial priorities that prevent a
negotiated solution with North Korea appear to
be a major reason for U.S. participation in the
war and atrocities in Yemen. In this case it is
part of Washington's strategic alliance with the
Saudi dictatorship, which has recently been
subjected to increasing criticism for its
support for
terrorist groups, including ISIS.
Fortunately, members of Congress are pushing
back against the unconstitutional, unauthorized
participation in the Saudi-led war in Yemen.
For nearly three years, the executive branch has
deployed the US military, at the Saudi
dictatorship's request, against an indigenous
Yemeni rebel group called the Houthis. The
Houthis are unrelated and opposed to al-Qaida
and the Islamic State group the groups
targeted by the U.S. under the 2001
Authorization for Use of Military Force. A
bipartisan group of lawmakers
is forcing our country's first public debate and
vote on these unauthorized hostilities by
introducing a "privileged" resolution, which
means it goes to the floor of Congress over the
objections of leadership, to direct President
Trump to withdraw U.S. forces from this
famine-threatening Saudi war.
No
Advertising
- No
Government
Grants -
This Is
Independent
Media
|
But
there needs to be more pressure from below. The
tens of millions of Americans who already
understand the difference between "national
security" and empire need to be more active in
getting Congress to restrain the Trump
administration.
Bernie Sanders recently
noted that
"Saudi Arabia is not our ally," and proposed a
more "even-handed" approach toward the conflict
between Iran and Saudi Arabia. He also
opposed the
foreign policy goal of "benign global hegemony"
that he attributed to "[s]ome in Washington,"
and denounced the "organizing framework" of the
"Global War on Terror" as a disaster.
This is a good sign, and indicates that the
movement that propelled Sanders to win 46
percent of the Democratic presidential vote has
the potential of putting forward a more
independent foreign policy. The mass support for
athletes who are "taking a knee" during the
national anthem at sports events is another
welcome development that wouldn't have seemed
possible just a few years ago. The athletes'
protest is against racism and police brutality,
but at the same time they and their tens of
millions of supporters have refused to be
intimidated by the false and "paid
patriotism"
promoted by Trump. This, too, has implications
for the feasibility of badly needed debates and
independent thinking on U.S. foreign policy.
Trump
has contributed to this mass awakening by
personally embodying and spewing out so many of
the hateful wrongs that need to be righted. No
need to thank him for that he has made the
world a more dangerous place but we must seize
the moment.