The End
of Empire
By
Chris Hedges
October
02, 2017 "Information
Clearing House"
-
The American empire
is coming to an end. The U.S. economy is being
drained by wars in the Middle East and vast
military expansion around the globe. It is
burdened by growing deficits, along with the
devastating effects of
deindustrialization
and global trade agreements. Our democracy has
been captured and destroyed by corporations that
steadily demand more tax cuts, more deregulation
and impunity from prosecution for massive acts
of financial fraud, all the while looting
trillions from the U.S. treasury in the form of
bailouts. The nation has lost the power and
respect needed to induce allies in Europe, Latin
America, Asia and Africa to do its bidding. Add
to this the mounting destruction caused by
climate change and you have a recipe for an
emerging dystopia. Overseeing this descent at
the highest levels of the federal and state
governments is a motley collection of imbeciles,
con artists, thieves, opportunists and
warmongering generals. And to be clear, I am
speaking about Democrats, too.
The empire will limp along, steadily losing
influence until the dollar is dropped as the
world’s
reserve currency,
plunging the United States into a crippling
depression and instantly forcing a massive
contraction of its military machine.
Short of a sudden and widespread popular revolt,
which does not seem likely, the death spiral
appears unstoppable, meaning the United States
as we know it will no longer exist within a
decade or, at most, two. The global vacuum we
leave behind will be filled by China, already
establishing itself as an economic and military
juggernaut, or perhaps there will be a
multipolar world carved up among Russia, China,
India, Brazil, Turkey, South Africa and a few
other states. Or maybe the void will be filled,
as the historian
Alfred W. McCoy
writes in his book “In the Shadows of the
American Century: The Rise and Decline of US
Global Power,” by “a coalition of transnational
corporations, multilateral military forces like
NATO, and an international financial leadership
self-selected at
Davos and Bilderberg”
that will “forge a supranational nexus to
supersede any nation or empire.”
Under every measurement, from financial growth
and infrastructure investment to advanced
technology, including supercomputers, space
weaponry and cyberwarfare, we are being rapidly
overtaken by the Chinese. “In April 2015 the
U.S. Department of Agriculture suggested that
the American economy would grow by nearly 50
percent over the next 15 years, while China’s
would triple and come close to surpassing
America’s in 2030,” McCoy noted. China became
the world’s second largest economy in 2010, the
same year it became the world’s leading
manufacturing nation, pushing aside a United
States that had dominated the world’s
manufacturing for a century. The Department of
Defense issued a sober report titled “At
Our Own Peril:
DoD Risk Assessment in a Post-Primacy World.” It
found that the U.S. military “no longer enjoys
an unassailable position versus state
competitors,” and “it no longer can …
automatically generate consistent and sustained
local military superiority at range.” McCoy
predicts the collapse will come by 2030.
Empires
in decay embrace an almost willful suicide.
Blinded by their hubris and unable to face the
reality of their diminishing power, they retreat
into a fantasy world where hard and unpleasant
facts no longer intrude. They replace diplomacy,
multilateralism and politics with unilateral
threats and the blunt instrument of war.
This collective self-delusion saw the United
States make the greatest strategic blunder in
its history, one that sounded the death knell of
the empire—the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq.
The architects of the war in the George W. Bush
White House, and the array of useful idiots in
the press and academia who were cheerleaders for
it, knew very little about the countries being
invaded, were stunningly naive about the effects
of industrial warfare and were blindsided by the
ferocious blowback. They stated, and probably
believed, that Saddam Hussein had weapons of
mass destruction, although they had no valid
evidence to support this claim. They insisted
that democracy would be implanted in Baghdad and
spread across the Middle East. They assured the
public that U.S. troops would be greeted by
grateful Iraqis and Afghans as liberators. They
promised that oil revenues would cover the cost
of reconstruction. They insisted that the bold
and quick military strike—“shock and awe”—would
restore American hegemony in the region and
dominance in the world. It did the opposite. As
Zbigniew Brzezinski
noted, this “unilateral war of choice against
Iraq precipitated a widespread delegitimation of
U.S. foreign policy.”
Historians of empire call these military
fiascos, a feature of all late empires, examples
of “micro-militarism.” The Athenians engaged in
micro-militarism when during the Peloponnesian
War (431-404 B.C.) they invaded Sicily,
suffering the loss of 200 ships and thousands of
soldiers and triggering revolts throughout the
empire. Britain did so in 1956 when it attacked
Egypt in a dispute over the nationalization of
the Suez Canal and then quickly had to withdraw
in humiliation, empowering a string of Arab
nationalist leaders such as Egypt’s Gamal Abdel
Nasser and dooming British rule over the
nation’s few remaining colonies. Neither of
these empires recovered.
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“While
rising empires are often judicious, even
rational in their application of armed force for
conquest and control of overseas dominions,
fading empires are inclined to ill-considered
displays of power, dreaming of bold military
masterstrokes that would somehow recoup lost
prestige and power,” McCoy writes. “Often
irrational even from an imperial point of view,
these micromilitary operations can yield
hemorrhaging expenditures or humiliating defeats
that only accelerate the process already under
way.”
Empires
need more than force to dominate other nations.
They need a mystique. This mystique—a mask for
imperial plunder, repression and
exploitation—seduces some native elites, who
become willing to do the bidding of the imperial
power or at least remain passive. And it
provides a patina of civility and even nobility
to justify to those at home the costs in blood
and money needed to maintain empire. The
parliamentary system of government that Britain
replicated in appearance in the colonies, and
the introduction of British sports such as polo,
cricket and horse racing, along with elaborately
uniformed viceroys and the pageantry of royalty,
were buttressed by what the colonialists said
was the invincibility of their navy and army.
England was able to hold its empire together
from 1815 to 1914 before being forced into a
steady retreat. America’s high-blown rhetoric
about democracy, liberty and equality, along
with basketball, baseball and Hollywood, as well
as our own deification of the military,
entranced and cowed much of the globe in the
wake of World War II. Behind the scenes, of
course, the CIA used its bag of dirty tricks to
orchestrate coups, fix elections and carry out
assassinations, black propaganda campaigns,
bribery, blackmail, intimidation and torture.
But none of this works anymore.
The loss of the mystique is crippling. It makes
it hard to find pliant surrogates to administer
the empire, as we have seen in Iraq and
Afghanistan. The photographs of physical abuse
and sexual humiliation imposed on Arab prisoners
at Abu Ghraib inflamed the Muslim world and fed
al-Qaida and later Islamic State with new
recruits. The assassination of Osama bin Laden
and a host of other jihadist leaders, including
the U.S. citizen
Anwar al-Awlaki,
openly mocked the concept of the rule of law.
The hundreds of thousands of dead and millions
of refugees fleeing our debacles in the Middle
East, along with the near-constant threat from
militarized aerial drones, exposed us as state
terrorists. We have exercised in the Middle East
the U.S. military’s penchant for widespread
atrocities, indiscriminate violence, lies and
blundering miscalculations, actions that led to
our defeat in Vietnam.
The brutality abroad is matched by a growing
brutality at home. Militarized police gun down
mostly unarmed, poor people of color and fill a
system of penitentiaries and jails that hold a
staggering 25 percent of the world’s prisoners
although Americans represent only 5 percent of
global population. Many of our cities are in
ruins. Our public transportation system is a
shambles. Our educational system is in steep
decline and being privatized. Opioid addiction,
suicide, mass shootings, depression and morbid
obesity plague a population that has fallen into
profound despair. The deep disillusionment and
anger that led to Donald Trump’s election—a
reaction to the corporate coup d’état and the
poverty afflicting at least half of the
country—have destroyed the myth of a functioning
democracy. Presidential tweets and rhetoric
celebrate hate, racism and bigotry and taunt the
weak and the vulnerable. The president in an
address before the United Nations
threatened to obliterate
another nation in an act of genocide. We are
worldwide objects of ridicule and hatred. The
foreboding for the future is expressed in the
rash of dystopian films, motion pictures that no
longer perpetuate American virtue and
exceptionalism or the myth of human progress.
“The
demise of the United States as the preeminent
global power could come far more quickly than
anyone imagines,” McCoy writes. “Despite the
aura of omnipotence empires often project, most
are surprisingly fragile, lacking the inherent
strength of even a modest nation-state. Indeed,
a glance at their history should remind us that
the greatest of them are susceptible to collapse
from diverse causes, with fiscal pressures
usually a prime factor. For the better part of
two centuries, the security and prosperity of
the homeland has been the main objective for
most stable states, making foreign or imperial
adventures an expendable option, usually
allocated no more than 5 percent of the domestic
budget. Without the financing that arises almost
organically inside a sovereign nation, empires
are famously predatory in their relentless hunt
for plunder or profit—witness the Atlantic slave
trade, Belgium’s rubber lust in the Congo,
British India’s opium commerce, the Third
Reich’s rape of Europe, or the Soviet
exploitation of Eastern Europe.”
When
revenues shrink or collapse, McCoy points out,
“empires become brittle.”
“So
delicate is their ecology of power that, when
things start to go truly wrong, empires
regularly unravel with unholy speed: just a year
for Portugal, two years for the Soviet Union,
eight years for France, eleven years for the
Ottomans, seventeen for Great Britain, and, in
all likelihood, just twenty-seven years for the
United States, counting from the crucial year
2003 [when the U.S. invaded Iraq],” he writes.
Many of
the estimated 69 empires that have existed
throughout history lacked competent leadership
in their decline, having ceded power to
monstrosities such as the Roman emperors
Caligula and Nero. In the United States, the
reins of authority may be in the grasp of the
first in a line of depraved demagogues.
“For
the majority of Americans, the 2020s will likely
be remembered as a demoralizing decade of rising
prices, stagnant wages, and fading international
competitiveness,” McCoy writes. The loss of the
dollar as the global reserve currency will see
the U.S. unable to pay for its huge deficits by
selling Treasury bonds, which will be
drastically devalued at that point. There will
be a massive rise in the cost of imports.
Unemployment will explode. Domestic clashes over
what McCoy calls “insubstantial issues” will
fuel a dangerous hypernationalism that could
morph into an American fascism.
A
discredited elite, suspicious and even paranoid
in an age of decline, will see enemies
everywhere. The array of instruments created for
global dominance—wholesale surveillance, the
evisceration of civil liberties, sophisticated
torture techniques, militarized police, the
massive prison system, the thousands of
militarized drones and satellites—will be
employed in the homeland. The empire will
collapse and the nation will consume itself
within our lifetimes if we do not wrest power
from those who rule the corporate state.