America’s
Slow-motion Military Coup
By
Stephen Kinzer
September
18, 2017 "Information
Clearing House"
- In a democracy, no one should be comforted to
hear that generals have imposed discipline on an
elected head of state. That was never supposed to
happen in the United States. Now it has.
Among the
most enduring political images of the 20th century
was the military junta. It was a group of grim-faced
officers — usually three — who rose to control a
state. The junta would tolerate civilian
institutions that agreed to remain subservient, but
in the end enforced its own will. As recently as a
few decades ago, military juntas ruled important
countries including Chile, Argentina, Turkey, and
Greece.
These days
the junta system is making a comeback in, of all
places, Washington. Ultimate power to shape American
foreign and security policy has fallen into the
hands of three military men: General James Mattis,
the secretary of defense; General John Kelly,
President Trump’s chief of staff; and General H.R.
McMaster, the national security adviser. They do not
put on their ribbons to review military parades or
dispatch death squads to kill opponents, as members
of old-style juntas did. Yet their emergence
reflects a new stage in the erosion of our political
norms and the militarization of our foreign policy.
Another veil is dropping.
Given the
president’s ignorance of world affairs, the
emergence of a military junta in Washington may seem
like welcome relief. After all, its three members
are mature adults with global experience — unlike
Trump and some of the wacky political operatives who
surrounded him when he moved into the White House.
Already they have exerted a stabilizing influence.
Mattis refuses to join the rush to bomb North Korea,
Kelly has imposed a measure of order on the White
House staff, and McMaster pointedly distanced
himself from Trump’s praise for white nationalists
after the violence in Charlottesville.
Being ruled
by generals seems preferable to the alternative. It
isn’t.
Military
officers, like all of us, are products of their
background and environment. The three members of
Trump’s junta have 119 years of uniformed service
between them. They naturally see the world from a
military perspective and conceive military solutions
to its problems. That leads toward a distorted set
of national priorities, with military “needs” always
rated more important than domestic ones.
Trump has
made clear that when he must make foreign policy
choices, he will defer to “my generals.” Mattis, the
new junta’s strongman, is the former head of Central
Command, which directs American wars in the Middle
East and Central Asia. Kelly is also an Iraq
veteran. McMaster has commanded troops in Iraq and
Afghanistan almost without interruption since he led
a tank company in the 1991 Gulf War.
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Military
commanders are trained to fight wars, not to decide
whether fighting makes strategic sense. They may be
able to tell Trump how many troops are necessary to
sustain our present mission in Afghanistan, for
example, but they are not trained either to ask or
answer the larger question of whether the mission
serves America’s long-term interest. That is
properly the job of diplomats. Unlike soldiers,
whose job is to kill people and break things,
diplomats are trained to negotiate, defuse
conflicts, coolly assess national interest and
design policies to advance it. Notwithstanding
Mattis’s relative restraint on North Korea, all
three members of Trump’s junta promote the
confrontational approach that has brought protracted
war in Afghanistan, Iraq and beyond, while fueling
tension in Europe and East Asia.
Our new
junta is different from classic ones like, for
example, the “National Council for Peace and Order”
that now rules Thailand. First, our junta’s interest
is only international relations, not domestic
policy. Second, it did not seize power in a coup,
but derives its authority from the favor of an
elected president. Third and most important, it main
goal is not to impose a new order but to enforce an
old one.
Last
month, President Trump
faced a crucial decision about
the future of America’s war in Afghanistan.
This was a potential turning point. Four years ago
Trump tweeted,
“Let’s get out of Afghanistan.” If he had followed
that impulse and announced that he was bringing
American troops home, the political and military
elite in Washington would have been stunned. But
junta members swung into action. They persuaded
Trump to announce that instead of withdrawing, he
would do the opposite: reject “rapid exit” from
Afghanistan, increase troop strength, and continue
“killing terrorists.”
It is no
great surprise that Trump has been drawn into the
foreign policy mainstream; the same happened to
President Obama early in his
presidency. More ominous is that Trump has
turned much of his power over to generals. Worst of
all, many Americans find this reassuring. They are
so disgusted by the corruption and shortsightedness
of our political class that they turn to soldiers as
an alternative. It is a dangerous temptation.
Stephen Kinzer is a senior fellow at the Watson
Institute for International and Public Affairs at
Brown University.
This
article was first published by
Boston Globe
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