Netanyahu in a Bind
Are the Israeli premier’s domestic difficulties
tempting him to go to war against Syria and
Lebanon?
By Abdel Bari Atwan
September
02, 2017 "Information
Clearing House"
- To understand the state
of panic currently afflicting the ruling elite
in Israel, which has gone to the extent of
openly threatening to bomb the presidential
palace in Damascus and Iranian military
formations in Syria, one need only refer to
recent remarks made by Robert Ford.
Ford was the last US ambassador to Syria and is
currently a fellow at the Middle East Institute
in Washington. He has long been one of the most
prominent proponents and supporters of the
‘Syrian revolution’ and the Western/Gulf-led
effort to overthrow the regime in Damascus by
force.
But in an interview with the English-language
UAE daily The National this week, he conceded
that President Bashar al-Asad has defeated the
armed campaign that was launched seven years ago
to topple him and his regime. ‘The
war is winding down little by little’, he
stated. ‘Assad has won and he will stay. He may
never be held accountable, and Iran will be in
Syria to stay. This is the new reality that we
have to accept, and there isn’t much we can do
about it.’
Ford was resigned to the idea
that the regime would eventually reassert its
full control over the entire country: ‘The
Syrian government cannot and will not accept
local administrations or decentralisation,
despite the fact that the Russians keep talking
about it’, he said. ‘It
might take two or four years, but they can’t
accept other governments – local or foreign – to
control these places.’
And he warned that ‘the shift in
the dynamic in Syria has made the situation
worse for Israel’. He explained: ‘The Israelis
used to fly with no worry over Syria, but now
their whole calculus has changed.’
Perhaps this explains the extreme angst
displayed by Israel Prime Minister Binyamin
Netanyahu when he travelled to Sochi on 23
August to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin
and urged him stand by Israel’s side amid the
strategic changes in Syria that have advanced
the rise of Iran as a regional power.
What Netanyahu wants from Putin – as he repeated
openly to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres
when he visited Tel Aviv earlier this week – is
for Iran to be prevented from establishing its
presence in Syria and setting up missile
factories there and in Lebanon. Otherwise,
Israeli officials warned, Israeli warplanes
would attack the presidential palace in Damascus
and sites where Iranian military experts are
located in Syria.
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According to various Israel press reports that
were confirmed by Russian media, Putin found his
Israeli guest to be in a state of agitation
bordering on hysteria as he explained the
apocalyptic consequences of Iran’s regional
ascendancy. But the Russian president kept calm
and replied that Iran was Russia’s strategic
ally in the Middle East, the main counterweight
to the Arab-Islamic variant of Nato which the US
is trying to establish in the region, and that
Moscow has no intention of abandoning it for
Israel’s sake – nor of taking lectures from
Israel on how it should make its policies in the
region.
By
what right does Netanyahu think he can demand
that Russia and the US act to prevent Iran form
building munitions plants in Syria and Lebanon,
or oblige it to withdraw its forces from an
allied country that has requested their
presence? Does he expect Syria simply to agree
to become a defenceless target which Israeli
warplanes can bomb whenever and wherever they
like? Syria and Iran never complained about
Israel’s US taxpayer-funded Iron Dome and other
missile systems, nor did Moscow object to its
acquisition of F-35 warplanes, the most
sophisticated in the US arsenal. For Netanyahu
to demand Russian action against Iran is the
height of impudence and arrogance, and Putin was
right to slap him down. Unlike
the US political establishment, Russia is not
beholden to Israel nor prepared to take
instructions from it, and with its extensive
expertise in the region certainly does not need
lessons from Netanyahu on how to operate in the
region. Its priority is not to defend Israel’s
interests but its own, and it cannot forget or
ignore the fact that Israel is the US’ closest
ally in the region and the world.
What is worrying is that the clearly threatening
tone used by Netanyahu – both in Sochi and at
his meeting with the UN chief – could be a
prelude for Israel to launch a large-scale
attack on Syria and/or Lebanon, on the pretext
that it faces a security threat from Iran in
both countries and is acting in self-defence.
This is made more likely by the many corruption
charges that are closing in on Netanyahu, which
could lead to his indictment and prosecution and
force him out of office and into jail. He may be
tempted to start a war to divert attention from
these investigations and unite the country in a
common cause – just as the embattled former
premier Ehud Olmert did when he attacked Lebanon
in July 2006.
Will Netanyahu do the same,
and launch a bombing campaign against the
Syrian leadership and Iranian forces in
Syria? He can try. But he would be well
advised to recall that the Decisive Storm
bombing campaign launched two and a half
years ago – using much the same American
warplanes as his own – has failed to impose
surrender on impoverished and exhausted
Yemen, which is armed with weapons whose
sell-by-date expired half a century ago. So
can his warplanes impose surrender on Syria
whose army has stood fast for the past seven
years, or Iran with its arsenal of 200,000
missiles, along with Hezbollah and its
100,000-strong rocket arsenal?
Moreover, can Netanyahu name
a single war in which his army emerged
victorious in Lebanon? Israel’s 1982
invasion and occupation ended in an
ignominious unilateral withdrawal in 2000,
as did its 2006 assault on the country.
It is not only sophisticated
weapons that decide the outcomes of wars,
but also the strength of the combatants’
convictions, their willingness to fight
until martyrdom, and the capability of their
commanders to manage the battles effectively
– qualities that Syria, Iran, Hezbollah and
their allies have proven to possess in
abundance.
Nevertheless, Netanyahu may
still try.
This
article was first published by
Raialyoum
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