Iran,
Again - Will Israel Start a New War?
By
Philip Giraldi
August
31, 2017 "Information
Clearing House"
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When politicians
are feeling the heat, they start a war and their
popularity goes up even if the war is
unnecessary or completely ridiculous. Donald
Trump, the presidential candidate who promised
that he would not take the nation into another
Middle Eastern war, did so when he launched a
fifty-nine cruise missile barrage against a
Syrian Air Base even before he knew for sure
what had happened on the ground. It was totally
stupid but proved to be popular, even among
talking heads and Congressmen, some of whom
described his action as “presidential” in the
best sense of the word.
It’s the same in Israel. For those who have not
been following developments there, Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been under
pressure due to an ongoing investigation for
corruption. One of the truly great things about
Israel is that while they have a lot of corrupt
politicians, just like everywhere else, they
actually investigate, indict, prosecute, convict
and send them to jail. The betting is that
Netanyahu will soon be in prison, so he has been
responding in the time-honored fashion by
threatening his neighbors and hinting at the
possibility of increased military action and
even war. If there is a war going on, he
believes, probably correctly, that no one will
want to remove him.
In an amicable recent meeting with Russia’s
Vladimir Putin, Netanyahu stressed that there
are some red lines that Israel will not
allow to be crossed,
while also suggesting that some of them have
already been violated, most notably through the
alleged construction of an Iranian military base
inside Syria. Netanyahu provided Putin with “top
secret intelligence” to make his point and told
the Russian premier that “Iran
is making an accelerated effort to entrench
itself militarily in Syria. This poses a danger
to Israel, the Middle East and in my opinion the
world itself.”
Netanyahu characteristically depicted himself as
restrained in his responses, telling Putin that
Israel had taken only limited action in Syria
against Hezbollah supply lines, but that was a
lie as Israel has also hit Syrian army
positions. Netanyahu described an Iran that is
largely a fantasy creation of his own Foreign
Ministry, “We don’t for a second forget that
Iran continues to threaten Israel’s destruction
on a daily basis. It arms terrorist
organizations and initiates terror itself. It is
developing intercontinental ballistic missiles
with the intention to equip them with nuclear
warheads.” He went on to claim that his
strategic objective was to prevent the
development of an Iranian controlled land
bridge, described as “territorial continuity,”
that would extend through Iraq, Syria and
Lebanon to the Mediterranean Sea.
The reality is, however, somewhat different,
that Israel has long preferred chaos in Syria
since it eliminates any threat from a unified
and powerful government in Damascus. But just as
nature abhors a vacuum that policy had a
considerable downside with Iranian supported
militias and Revolutionary Guard units
increasingly become part of the conflict,
picking up the slack where the Syrian Army has
been too overstretched to operate. Iranian
influence over Syria, both overtly and covertly,
will continue after Damascus eliminates the last
vestiges of al-Qaeda affiliates and ISIS, not to
mention the rag-tag “moderate rebels.” And Iran
will have standing behind it the Syrian Army,
Iraqi Shi’a militias, and Russian firepower.
This has meant that the Israeli plan to have a
chronically weak state across its border has
backfired, bringing into the fighting and
post-war reconfiguration Iran, which Tel Aviv
fears most as a regional adversary.
So Israel has two strong motives to begin a war
with Iran, one political and the other
ostensibly linked to national security.
Ironically, however, it also knows, and has
even admitted,
that Iran does not actually pose any threat
against a nuclear armed Israel that has complete
air superiority over any or even all of its
neighbors. The often-cited land bridge threat is
also a bit of a chimera, as whether it could
potentially exist or not depends on effective
interaction with Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq, all
of which have their own political dynamics and
are somewhat wary of Iranian involvement. If
there is any actual threat against Israel it
comes from Hezbollah in Lebanon, which is an
independent player even though it has strong
ties to Tehran, but even in that case the threat
is not as serious as fearmongering government
leaders have claimed.
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All of which is not to suggest that Iran is
toothless if Israel were to get really
aggressive. Hezbollah would undoubtedly unleash
its missile arsenal against Israeli cities, some
of which would get through, and any attack on
Iran using aircraft would be confronted by
formidable air defenses. Iran could also strike
back against Israel using its ballistic
missiles, all of which means that attacking Iran
would be far from cost-free.
From Netanyahu’s point of view, it is far better
to stage an incident that brings in Washington
and then allows Uncle Sam to do the heavy
lifting. The U.S. has strategic military
capabilities that Israel lacks, including heavy
bombers and armaments that could penetrate
Iranian defenses, but it also has
vulnerabilities in terms of military bases
within striking range and ships at sea that
could be attacked by swarms of small boats and
land launched missiles.
Israel believes that bringing Washington into
the conflict is doable given that the U.S. media
has heavily propagandized against Tehran and
that inside-the-beltway groupthink largely
perceives Iran as an enemy. Recently Henry
Kissinger spelled
out the new
line of strategic thinking which Israel is
already exploiting to make its case. Per
Kissinger, the impending defeat of ISIS in Syria
and Iraq will create a power vacuum which will
open the door to the creation of an “Iranian
radical empire,” a more evocative version of the
“land bridge” warning, which he refers to as a
“territorial belt reaching from Tehran to
Beirut.” As Iran is also fighting ISIS,
Kissinger warns against complacency, that “in
the contemporary Middle East…the enemy of your
enemy is also your enemy.”
Israel has been pushing hard on Washington,
recently having
sent a
high-level combined intelligence and military
delegation to confer with National Security
Adviser H. R. McMaster and Special Mideast Envoy
Jason Greenblatt to explain the alleged Iranian
threat. And the neocon chorus is also signaling
that it expects the Trump Administration to do
something. Frederick Hof of the hardline Atlantic
Councilrecently wrote that the fundamental
mistake made by
Washington consisted of not invading Syria and
installing an acceptable government years ago,
which would have kept Iran out.
Saudi Arabia, which is demonstrating some signs
of political
instability,
would also welcome conflict with Iran, which
means that there is an existing coming-together
of parties who for various reasons would welcome
the escape from other problems that war offers.
Donald Trump himself was
angry at the
State Department in July because it had
certified that Tehran was in compliance with the
nuclear pact signed last year and Congress also
vented its anger by initiating new sanctions
against Iran. The next certification is due in
October and the president would clearly like to
have a good reason, contrived or actual, to
break the agreement.
Speculation in Israel is
that some kind of preemptive strike is being
planned, possibly directed against an Iranian
target inside Syria. The danger is that such a
move could quickly escalate, with the U.S.
Congress and White House quickly aligning
themselves with Netanyahu. The United States has
no real compelling interest to attack the
Iranians and would again find itself in a
conflict generated by feckless regional allies
that are not allies at all. The results could
prove catastrophic in practical terms as Iran is
capable of striking back, and it could be
devastating to actual American longer terms
interests both regionally and worldwide. It is
time to say “no” when Israel comes knocking.
Phil
Giraldi is a former CIA Case Officer and Army
Intelligence Officer who spent twenty years
overseas in Europe and the Middle East working
terrorism cases. He holds a BA with honors from
the University of Chicago and an MA and PhD in
Modern History from the University of London.
This
article was first published by
Unz Review
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