The
Story of Charlottesville Was Written in Blood in
the Ukraine
By Ajamu Baraka
August
18, 2017 "Information
Clearing House"
- What is the character of racist right-wing
politics today? Is it the crazed white
supremacist who plows into an anti-fascist
demonstration in Charlottesville, VA or can it
also be the assurance by Lindsay Graham that an
attack against North Korea would result in
thousands of lives lost…. but those lives will
be “over there”? What about the recent unanimous
resolution by both houses of Congress in support
of Israel and criticism of the United Nations
for its alleged anti-Israeli bias? Would that
qualify as racist and right-wing, since it
appears that the ongoing suffering of the
Palestinians is of no concern? And what about
the vote by the U.S. House of Representatives to
go even beyond the obscene proposal of the Trump
administration to increase the military budget
by $54 billion dollars and instead add a
whopping $74 billion to the Pentagon budget?
What I
find interesting about the current discussion
around what many are referring to as the
emboldening of the radical white supremacist
right is how easy it is to mobilize opposition
against the crude and overt white supremacists
we saw in Charlottesville. So easy, in fact,
that it’s really a distraction from the more
difficult and dangerous work that needs to be
done to confront the real right-wing power
brokers.
The
white supremacy that some of us see as more
insidious is not reflected in the simple,
stereotypical images of the angry, Nazi-saluting
alt-righter or even Donald Trump. Instead, it is
the normalized and thus invisible white
supremacist ideology inculcated into cultural
and educational institutions and the policies
that stem from those ideas. That process doesn’t
just produce the storm troopers of the armed and
crazed radical right but also such covert true
believers as Robert Ruben from Goldman Sachs,
Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, Tony Blair and
Nancy Pelosi – “decent” individuals who have
never questioned for a moment the superiority of
Western civilization, who believe completely in
the White West’s right and responsibility to
determine which nations should have sovereignty
and who should be the leaders of “lesser”
nations. And who believe that there is no
alternative to the wonders of global capitalism
even if it means that billions of human beings
are consigned permanently to what Fanon called
the “zone of non-being.”
This is
the white supremacy that I am concerned with.
And while I recognize the danger of the violent
right-wing movement, I am more concerned with
the right-wing policies that are being enacted
into law and policy by both Democrats and
Republicans at every level of government.
More than two years ago
I wrote that:
“The brutal repression and dehumanization
witnessed across Europe in the 1930s has not
found generalized expression in the U.S. and
Europe, at least not yet. Nevertheless,
large sectors of the U.S. and European left
appear to be unable to recognize that the
U.S./NATO/EU axis that is committed to
maintaining the hegemony of Western capital
is resulting in dangerous collaborations
with rightist forces both inside and outside
of governments.”
The
impetus of that article was to critique the
inherent danger of the Obama Administration’s
cynical manipulation of right-wing elements in
Ukraine to overthrow the democratically elected
government of Viktor Yanukovych. Not only was it
dangerous and predictably disastrous for the
Ukrainian people, but because U.S. support for a
neo-fascist movement in Ukraine took place
within a context in which the political right
was gaining legitimacy and strength across
Europe, the political impact of the right
gaining power in Ukraine could not be isolated
from the growing power of the right elsewhere.
Which meant that the Obama Admiration’s selfish,
short-term objective to undermine Russia in
Ukraine had the effect of empowering the right
and shifting the balance of forces toward the
right throughout Europe.
But
because Obama was incorrectly seen as a liberal,
he was able to avoid most criticism of his
policies in Ukraine, in Europe and domestically.
In fact, liberals and the left both in the U.S.
and in Europe generally supported his Ukraine
policies.
However, playing footsie with right-wing
elements in the Ukraine and underestimating the
growing power of the right has resulted in
powerful and dangerous right-wing movements on
both sides of the Atlantic who have effectively
exploited endemic white racism and the
contradictions of neoliberal capitalist
globalization. The ascendancy of Donald Trump
cannot be decontextualized from the racial,
class and gender politics of this moment here
and abroad.
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The
alt-right that showed up in Charlottesville this
past weekend was mimicking the tactics of the
frontline neo-fascist soldiers who orchestrated
the coup in the Ukraine, yet everyone is saying
this is a result of Trump. The objective fact is
that the U.S. has become a dangerous right-wing
society as a result of a steady shift to the
right over the past four decades. The idea that
Trump’s election somehow “created” the right
cannot be taken seriously and cannot be reduced
to the crude expressions of the alt-right.
The
structures of white power, that is the
structures and institutions that provide the
material base for Euro-American white supremacy
and its ideological reproduction, should be the
focus of radical opposition. But the capitalist
order and its institutions – the World Trade
Organization, IMF, World Bank, and global
Westernized higher education that serves as the
material basis for hegemonic white supremacist
power – escape critical scrutiny because popular
attention is directed against a David Duke and a
Donald Trump.
Trump
and the alt-right have become useful diversions
for white supremacist liberals and leftists who
would rather fight against those superficial
caricatures of racism than engage in more
difficult ideological work involving real
self-sacrifice – purging themselves of all
racial sentimentality associated with the
mythology of the place of white people, white
civilization and whiteness in the world in order
to pursue a course for justice that will result
in the loss of white material privilege.
Looking
at white supremacy from this wider-angle lens,
it is clear that support for the Israeli state,
war on North Korea, mass black and brown
incarceration, a grotesque military budget,
urban gentrification, the subversion of
Venezuela, the state war on black and brown
people of all genders, and the war on
reproductive rights are among the many
manifestations of an entrenched right-wing
ideology that cannot be conveniently and
opportunistically reduced to Trump and the
Republicans.
And
when we understand that white supremacy is not
just what is in someone’s head but is also a
global structure with ongoing, devastating
impacts on the people of the world, we will
understand better why some of us have said that
in order for the world to live, the 525-year-old
white supremacist Pan-European,
colonial/capitalist patriarchy must die.
Your
choice will be clear: Either you join us as
gravediggers or you surrender to class and
racial privilege and join the cross-class white
united front. The alt-right is waiting, and they
are taking recruits from the left who are tired
of “identity politics.”
Ajamu Baraka is
the national organizer of the Black Alliance for
Peace and was the 2016 candidate for vice
president on the Green Party ticket. He is an
editor and contributing columnist for the Black
Agenda Report and contributing columnist for
Counterpunch magazine.
This
article was first published by
Counterpunch
-
The
views expressed in this article are solely those
of the author and do not necessarily reflect the
opinions of Information Clearing House.