‘We Were
Guinea Pigs’: Jailed Inmates Agreed To Birth
Control
By Jessica
Lussenhop
August 18,
2017 "Information
Clearing House"
-In a small county in rural Tennessee, inmates
were offered 30 days off their sentences in
exchange for a vasectomy or a long-acting birth
control implant. County officials say it was a
tool in the fight against opiate abuse -
opponents call it eugenics.
This
spring, Deonna Tollison found herself in Judge
Sam Benningfield's courtroom in Sparta,
Tennessee - a large, neon-lit room filled with
wooden pews for the public. Tollison was accused
of violating the conditions of her house arrest,
the latest issue in a lifetime of trouble, which
at its worst saw her living in her car, addicted
to opiates.
On the
stand, Tollison testified she'd been trying to
get her life on the right track - she was off
the drugs and raising her two youngest
daughters, as well as the daughter of a sister
who died in a car wreck. Relapses and run-ins
with the law, however, kept stalling her
progress, and here she was again, accused of
making unsanctioned trips to the grocery store
and allowing the batteries on her ankle monitor
to die.
She
faced the possibility of another stay in the
local jail.
"I'm a
single mother of three beautiful girls and a
brand new grandson. My mother is disabled. My
sister is disabled," Tollison pleaded on the
stand. "Each and every one of them depend on me
because I'm the only one with a [driver's]
license. I love my family very dearly...the last
four years I've done everything in my power to
get my life back."
The
hearing did not go well for Tollison. Judge
Benningfield ruled that her continued missteps
and her lack of employment made her unfit for
home arrest. He ordered her to serve out the
rest of her sentence in the county jail.
Shortly
afterward, Benningfield made a surprising
announcement to the entire courtroom: a new
programme would allow inmates like Tollison to
shave time off her sentence - 30 days - if she
agreed to sign up for a free long-lasting form
of birth control. For the male inmates,
Benningfield's new order would offer free
vasectomies.
Not
long after Tollison arrived to the jail, sign-up
sheets started going around to have an implant
called Nexplanon inserted, which prevents
pregnancy for up to four years. Tollison signed
up, along with at least 30 other women. Over on
the men's side, 38 men signed up for
vasectomies. With an average daily population of
221 inmates, that represented a sizeable portion
of the jail.
Tollison first had to attend a neonatal health
class which focused on the effects of drug abuse
during pregnancy can have on foetuses. Then, a
nurse used a special, needle-like device to
puncture her upper left arm, and slide the
matchstick-sized vinyl implant under the skin.
The male inmates were scheduled for appointments
with a local urologist.
About
two months later, after the local media caught
wind of the programme, tiny Sparta, Tennessee,
became the subject of national and international
interest.
"The unspeakable evil of the Tennessee eugenics
program,"
one headline read.
"Judge Benningfield's eugenics program is an
outrage," opined
one blogger.
"He need not serve on the bench any longer, and
he need not keep his law degree any longer."
The US
has a long history of forced sterilisations on
the poor, the mentally ill, and on minorities.
In surprisingly recent history, Native
Americans, Mexican Americans and African
Americans have faced sterilisation by force or
under deceptive practices by members of US state
and local governments.
Though
the US eugenics movement - which was admired by
Adolf Hitler and replicated by the Nazis -
reached the zenith of its popularity in the
1920s, states forced sterilisations into the
1980s.
At one
time or another, thirty-two states had a
federally funded sterilisation programme in
their prisons or asylums. Gay men were compelled
into sterilisation if mental institutions deemed
them to be "sexual deviants", as were mothers
receiving welfare. In some places, sterilisation
was a condition of release from prison.
Individual cases continue to crop up around the
country. In 2014, the governor of California
signed a ban on sterilisation in prisons, after
dozens of women underwent tubal ligations while
behind bars, without giving the proper consent.
Officials in Tennessee argued no-one was forced.
All of the inmates signed up, and the programme
was cancelled before any of the men could
receive their vasectomies.
But
questions of whether or not an inmate can make
informed consent to such a procedure if it is in
exchange for a lesser sentence could be the crux
of the forthcoming federal lawsuits over what
occurred in White County.
"It
doesn't meet the bar for autonomous
decision-making. You have built into it a
hierarchical relationship," says Alexandra Minna
Stern, a historian at the University of Michigan
and author of Eugenic Nation.
"You
can say people made a choice but that's why
sterilisations are not allowed in federal
prisons - the asymmetry of the relationship."
The
arguments could lead all the way to the US
Supreme Court, where the 1927 decision approving
the forced sterilisation of "mental defectives"
is still on the books, and has been cited in
cases as recently as 2001.
Adam
Cohen, author of Imbeciles, a book on the 1927
Buck v Bell case, stopped short of calling the
judge in Tennessee an eugenicist, but said the
programme itself comes dangerously close.
"It may
be that this judge really thinks he's doing
something helpful," says Cohen. "That said, I am
sure that a lot of people who do support
eugenics like what he is doing."
When
Tollison made the decision to get the implant,
she wasn't thinking about her reproductive
health, or the health of any prospective
children. She was thinking about the little
house on a winding road in the rural countryside
of White County, Tennessee, filled with ailing
family members and her three young daughters.
Seated
on the cement patio behind that house, the yard
around her busy with butterflies and winged
ants, Tollison says her only reason for getting
the implant was so she could go home. Even
though she is free, it is a decision she now
regrets.
"I feel
like we were guinea pigs," she says. "People
will do anything to get out of there."
Sparta
sits in the bull's-eye of circular-shaped White
County, a bucolic part of central Tennessee
populated by cattle farmers and factory workers.
Over 90% of the population is white, with a
politically conservative, church-going majority.
"Salt
of the earth kind of people," says Brandon
Griffin, a local defence lawyer with two former
clients who got an implant. "They're not
necessarily the most fond of outsiders getting
involved in their stuff as a general rule."
The
local newspaper publishes every White County
arrestees' mugshot in the paper on Thursdays,
and around town it's not difficult to find
supporters of Judge Benningfield, who took the
bench in 1998 and has won re-election twice.
Christopher Sapp, the owner of a computer repair
shop in Sparta, said he lost his wife to an
opiate addiction. A woman he considers a
daughter to him is currently behind bars in
White County over drugs. He heard she opted into
Benningfield's programme and got the implant.
"I
thought that was pretty responsible of her,"
says Sapp. "[Opiate addiction] is terrible in
this area. There's not a family in this area
that hasn't been touched by it in some way."
Down
the street from Sapp's computer shop, Mike
Gilbert, the owner of a local antiques store
disagrees slightly. He doesn't approve of
inmates getting an early release or government
getting involved in reproductive rights.
"I
think a lot of times the judges in this world,
they go overboard with things," he says. "They
step above what they're supposed to be doing."
In his
office one morning before court began, Sam
Benningfield expressed bafflement by the amount
of attention and condemnation he's received.
"It was
a real, total surprise to me," he says. "No-one
lifted even an eyebrow until cameras got stuck
in their face."
The
people who end up in Benningfield's courtroom
are there for misdemeanour crimes - everything
from drug possession and driving while
intoxicated, to thefts of under $1,000 or
failing to pay child support.
The
maximum sentence he can hand down is 11 months
and 29 days.
According to Benningfield, the programme began
when the state health department approached him
about a two-day class on effects of drug use on
foetuses. To entice inmate participation, anyone
who signed up received two days off of his or
her sentence.
(A
spokeswoman for the department of health said
its employees had partnered with White County
for the classes, but denied involvement in
developing any policy. The department declined
to comment when asked if their employees
administered the implants).
Believing that the next logical step would be to
incentivise inmates to get reproductive
services, Benningfield says he decided to write
the order. He compared it to getting time off
for picking up litter on the side of the
highway, or agreeing to become a confidential
informant for law enforcement.
"It
occurred to me that many of the same women I had
incarcerated were the very same from whom I was
having to remove their children in my role as
the juvenile judge because they were born
addicted to drugs," he wrote in a statement.
When
the story began blowing up, Benningfield says he
was shocked by the thought that an inmate would
have a vasectomy for the sole purpose to get 30
days
He
drafted a new document for the inmates to sign
certifying they were not signing up solely for
the reduced sentence.
But by
then the condemnation had grown to include the
ACLU of Tennessee, other local judges, the
district attorney and state legislators.
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Six
weeks in, the judge cancelled the order
altogether. According to county officials, none
of the vasectomies took place.
He
insists that his intent was not to control who
is reproducing in White County, but to prevent
babies being born sick.
"My
number one concern was about children," he says.
"To me a lot of controversy got started when
everybody used the word sterilisation. Because
it was never about that - it was never forced."
At one
point, he crossed over to his desk and picked up
a small stack of letters he received about the
programme, "all but one positive".
"You
are my hero!" wrote one person. "We need more
freebie contraception in this country. Help
these poor kids get on the right track. Most of
all saving these unwanted babies."
"Rest
assured that the majority of White Countians
appreciate your effort but many are forced to
wear a gag - ironic isn't it, we are the
oppressed?" wrote another.
And
another: "Your very considerate practice of
offering a reduced sentence to criminals is
brilliant and ahead of its time. Criminals are
the last people on earth that should be
multiplying."
Kristi
Seibers has neither children nor a long rap
sheet of drugs charges. When she went to the
White County jail in February on a probation
violation, it was the first time she'd been
locked up.
She
usually got a free shot of Depo-Provera at the
county health department every six months as her
means of birth control, but when she heard she
could go home a month early if she got the
implant, she jumped at the opportunity.
The
side effects, she said, started almost
immediately. A two month-long period. A vaginal
infection. Cramping and weight gain. And Seibers
said she never got her 30-day credit.
"The
only reason I did it was they promised me days
off so I could go home," she said. "I don't
think it's right."
Of the
six inmates BBC News spoke to who signed up for
the programme, only one expressed some interest
in the potential health and family planning
benefits of the free services - in her case, to
help with her endometriosis, a painful uterine
condition that can cause infertility.
The
rest said their only concern was getting out as
soon as possible. The facility is on the brink
of being decertified by the state for its
chronic overcrowding, and multiple people
described it as a dirty and unpleasant place.
"Voluntary consent is no consent at all if it's
tainted with coercion from the government," said
Mario Williams, a civil rights lawyer for the
former inmates. "You're really preying on
vulnerable people."
David
Stoll signed up to have a vasectomy, but
ultimately decided against it. He believed that
"99%" of the men he spoke to in the jail were
motivated only by the time off their sentences.
"I
don't want to say play God but they was trying
to control something that wasn't none of their
business really," said Stoll.
Three
women told BBC News that they wanted their
implants removed, but were told either they had
to wait 60 days or that removal would cost $250.
There were other problems, including women too
old to get pregnant signing up. Judge
Benningfield confirmed that he heard one account
of an inmate who'd had a hysterectomy getting
the implant.
Inmates
also signed up for services even if they had no
history of drug abuse, which Williams says
proves the county was interested in preventing
former inmates from procreating, not just
protecting babies from neonatal conditions.
Seibers
was also not the only former inmate to say she
did not receive her reduced sentence.
Lawyers
for former inmate Christel Ward wrote she also
was not given her 30-day credit because her case
originated in criminal court, not Judge
Benningfield's general sessions court.
Regardless of the fact Ward and Seibers were
ineligible for early release, the lawsuit
alleges, the programme - which the complaint
calls out as "eugenics" - was offered anyway.
In
front of the Nashville federal courthouse
building on Thursday, Williams and Ward appeared
for a short press conference.
"We're
not going to stop until a judge declares this
unconstitutional," Williams said.
He said
he currently represents 16 former inmates, and
that the total number could double.
There
is a twist to Ward's lawsuit - she showed BBC
News a copy of a wallet-sized card she said was
given to the inmates after the Nexplanon implant
was inserted, showing the date of insertion: 5
May, a full ten days before Judge Benningfield's
order dated the 15th of May.
It
isn't clear if county employees were running
some type of ad hoc version of the programme
before the judge's order, and if so, for how
long.
The
suit claims that White County Sheriff Oddie
Shoupe, not Judge Benningfield, is the true
creator of the programme, and that Benningfield
created his order at Shoupe's request.
Sheriff
Shoupe did not respond to repeated requests for
comment. The judge declined to comment further
after the lawsuit was filed.
Ward's
case is just the first in what lawyer Williams
said will be a string of lawsuits against the
county, including those who were "punished" by
not signing up for birth control.
Williams argued that bringing down the legal
hammer on White County is the only way to
prevent a slippery-slope effect where the
programme expands to other jails and prisons.
"People
just have a negative perception of incarcerated
people, regardless of the reason. 'These are bad
people for society - who cares about these
people?'" says Williams. "With all the racial
tension going on in the country, those are real
thoughts in people. If you don't kill it as soon
as it raises its head, then it just festers and
grows into something much larger."
Seibers
wants her implant out as soon as possible,
though it's not clear how she'll pay for it. As
soon as she does, she should theoretically be
able to have children, barring other medical
issues.
Since
coming home, the 30-year-old got a job as a home
healthcare worker, and was able to again help
her boyfriend make the rent on their home and
pay bills.
But she
feels different - she said her sex drive is
gone. Her relationship with her boyfriend has
suffered. She feels tricked by the county.
"I'm
just depressed," she said. "I don't want nothing
to do with my old man."
Still,
she holds hope the media spotlight on "little
bitty" White County will bring about changes to
the way the inmates are treated.
"I got
high hopes that it will. I feel like it's going
to be something big," she said. "I think things
will be done differently after this."
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