Let's Call Western Media Coverage of Syria
By Its Real Name: Propaganda
By
Michael Howard
May
03, 2017 "Information
Clearing House"
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In his
essential study of the ongoing crisis in
Ukraine, University of Kent Professor
Richard Sakwa writes that, somewhere down
the road, Western media’s reductive,
ideological coverage of the conflict “will
undoubtedly become the subject of many an
intriguing academic study.” That’s if the
human race isn’t wiped out by environmental
catastrophe or nuclear holocaust first—far
from a sure thing, especially with the Trump
regime running amok, lobbing cruise missiles
and sending armadas (or
not) and
dropping MOABs, and all of it to quell
suspicions that the president’s undersized
hands might reflect a certain priapic
compactness.
But while, as
Sakwa says, the reportage of Ukraine’s civil
war by our renowned newspapers has been
abysmal and embarrassing, it doesn’t hold a
candle to that of Syria, where any pretense
of real journalism was done away with long
ago. Syria is proof of how low mainstream
Western media are prepared to sink in the
service of state power; it’s where
journalistic standards, like global
jihadists, go to die. Rank propaganda is the
order of the day. Honest observers are
appalled. Stephen Kinzer
wrote that
“coverage of the Syrian war will be
remembered as one of the most shameful
episodes in the history of the American
press,” while Robert Fisk
described
the war as “the most poorly reported
conflict in the world.” Patrick Cockburn
registered a similar concern,
writing
that “Western media has allowed itself to
become a conduit for propaganda for one side
in this savage conflict.” This has grave
implications:
News organizations have ended up being
spoon-fed by jihadis and their
sympathizers who make it impossible for
independent observers to visit areas
they control. By regurgitating
information from such tainted sources,
the media gives al-Qaeda type groups
every incentive to go on killing and
abducting journalists in order to create
and benefit from a news vacuum they can
fill themselves.
So
the ideology-driven Western media, in
allying themselves with the armed opposition
in Syria, have helped to create a situation
in which it pays to kidnap and murder people
who seek to report the truth. Ergo, they
have violated the canons of their profession
in the most egregious manner possible. And
you’ll have noticed that they’re totally
shameless about it. None of this gives them
a moment of pause. They keep pumping out the
propaganda, day in, day out, never stopping
to reflect on the potential consequences.
When one story falls apart, they move on to
the next one. The most, or perhaps only,
important thing is to manipulate public
opinion so that it corresponds to government
policy. Beyond that, who cares?
The list of
media half-truths and outright lies in the
context of Syria is endless. Take chemical
weapons. Numerous incidents have been cited
in the news, most of them small-time
(meaning crude attacks with no casualties),
all of them blamed on the government. And
yet the UN has documented numerous cases in
which terrorist outfits, including ISIS,
used chemical weapons against civilians and
Syrian soldiers. It also heard
testimony
from witnesses on the ground that opposition
fighters were staging chemical attacks with
the goal of framing the Syrian military. And
contrary to every major media outlet in the
West, the UN did not blame Assad for
the infamous sarin attack of August 2013,
stating
after an investigation that
“surface-to-surface rockets containing the
nerve agent sarin were used” by one of “the
parties in the Syrian Arab Republic.” The
culprit was not identified. But all of this
is irrelevant. We want Assad to be
responsible for every chemical incident;
therefore, he is. See Trump’s Tomahawk
salvo.
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Then there’s
the so-called White Helmets, the subject of
an Academy Award-winning
Netflix documentary.
Billed as a volunteer, nonpartisan rescue
organization, the White Helmets have become
a symbol of heroic resistance to the Syrian
government’s barbarism. But appearances can
be deceiving, and they most certainly are in
this case. Some salient facts: the White
Helmets program was put together not in
Syria but in Turkey, by James Le Mesurier, a
former British military contractor; the
White Helmets operate exclusively in
“rebel”-held territory, meaning they’re
embedded with groups like al-Nusra
(al-Qaeda); the White Helmets are paid tens
of millions of dollars by the US, UK and
other Western governments; the White Helmets
have repeatedly called for a NATO-imposed
no-fly zone over Syria (think Libya); the
White Helmets rail against the United
Nations for recognizing the legitimacy of
the Syrian government. Curious work for a
neutral NGO. It should be noted that the
White Helmets have been accused of staging
rescue videos for propaganda purposes.
Naturally, they deny this indignantly. And
yet a
video exists
in which the White Helmets quite literally
do stage a rescue as part of the
“mannequin challenge,” whatever the hell
that is. Take from that what you wish.
In any case,
it’s plain to see that the White Helmets are
not exactly who they purport to be. The
Oscar-winning
Netflix “documentary”
is nothing more than a glossy advertisement,
or “contrived infomercial,” as investigative
journalist Rick Sterling
put it. The
film is shot in Turkey, not Syria, and it
contains no useful information whatsoever,
unless you count the fact that one of the
White Helmets admits to having been a rebel
fighter for a period of three months, and
thus can hardly be regarded as neutral. It’s
also a very boring documentary, but that’s
beside the point. That such a thinly-veiled
propaganda film about such a thinly-veiled
propaganda organization won an Academy Award
should, by rights, engender a minor scandal.
But we’re living in the era of fake news, as
The New York Times
ironically insists.
For a good,
comprehensive look at the White Helmets, see
Max Blumenthal’s recent
article for
Alternet.
What else?
There was the notorious “Caesar” hoax, in
which a self-described defector from the
Syrian army—a former army photographer with
the codename “Caesar”—claimed to have
photographic evidence that the Syrian
government had tortured to death 11,000
political prisoners. As it happens,
something like half of the 55,000 images
depict dead and mutilated Syrian soldiers
and pro-government militia. They’re war
photos. Tons of dead bodies from both sides
of the conflict, some of them blown apart by
car bombs, others beaten and emaciated, were
photographed for documentary evidence. As
Rick Sterling
wrote last
year, “The photographs show a wide range of
deceased persons, from Syrian soldiers to
Syrian militia members to opposition
fighters to civilians trapped in conflict
zones to regular deaths in the military
hospital.” Had some been tortured by Assad’s
security forces? No doubt. But the story was
grossly misrepresented in the Western press,
leading us to believe that the 55,000 images
proved the existence of a network of
Nazi-style death camps run by the Syrian
government. They didn’t.
Speaking of
atrocity propaganda—very chic these days—the
eminent BBC joined the club in 2013,
throwing journalistic integrity to the wind
with its broadcast of Saving Syria’s
Children, a documentary that ostensibly
showed the aftermath of an incendiary bomb
raid. According to the report, the Syrian
government used either napalm or thermite to
attack schoolchildren in a remote district
of Aleppo. The resulting footage, filmed in
a nearby hospital, is bizarre in the
extreme, with the alleged burn victims
clearly taking stage directions from people
off-camera. The story was dissected and
ultimately
exposed as
a sham by journalist Robert Stuart, at which
point the BBC began removing all traces of
the film from YouTube, citing copyright
issues. No formal retraction was ever made,
to the BBC’s everlasting shame. But perhaps
I shouldn’t fault them for exercising
prudence. After all, if the BBC began
retracting every false and/or inaccurate
report on the Syrian conflict there would be
very little left.
The fake news
reached its acme toward the end of last year
as the Syrian military, backed by Russian
air support, closed in on eastern Aleppo,
then occupied by al-Nusra and some other
Wahhabi gangs. Fresh war crimes were being
reported almost daily. The “last hospital in
Aleppo” was destroyed twelve different
times. Women were committing suicide en bloc
to avoid being raped (source: “rebel”
commander). Assad and Putin were starving
and/or bombing to death 250,000 civilians.
We heard that figure over and over again: a
quarter of a million people trapped in the
jihadist enclave. It was drilled into our
heads like a religious precept. Nobody
seemed to care very much when the real
number turned out to be something like
100,000 (or
perhaps only
40,000).
Presumably the old amnesia kicked in. As
they say in the psychology world, motivated
forgetting: America’s go-to defense
mechanism.
Our
memory is very selective indeed. There does
appear to be at least one aspect of the
battle we haven’t quite forgot: Bana Alabed,
aka The Face (or Voice) of Aleppo. The
seven-year-old earned that moniker by
narrating the city’s gradual “fall” via
Twitter. It mattered not that she was being
cynically exploited as an instrument of
pathos by her mother, who obviously
controlled the account and who evidently
forgot on occasion that she was tweeting on
behalf of a seven-year-old girl (at one
point, in a tweet that has since been taken
down, she explicitly lobbied for World War
Three). Bana, or the idea of Bana, served a
useful propaganda function. You see, people
in the West need to be shown dead or
suffering children before they can, on the
one hand, apprehend how despicable war is
and, on the other, support another bloody US
military adventure in the name of
humanitarianism. Because you’d have to be a
monster to look at the child and not feel
motivated to “do something.”
That’s the way
it works. Hence the image of the dead
three-year-old refugee who washed up on a
beach, or the one of the dust-covered boy
sitting in the back of an ambulance, or
Trump’s talk of “beautiful babies.” Of
course, the effects of the humanitarian
escalation, should it come to pass, are duly
sanitized. We didn’t, for instance, see any
pictures of dead Iraqi children that were
killed as a result of the US invasion. Nor
do we keep up with the Twitter account of
some seven-year-old child living under siege
in Mosul, where American bombs continue to
rain down on civilian sites. That would be
bad for business. But Bana is good for
business. So good, in fact, that she now has
a
book deal
with Simon & Schuster. You’ve just crossed
over into
The Twilight Zone.
This article was first published by
Paste
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