Neil Gorsuch and the
Deconstruction of the
Administrative State
By Marjorie Cohn
March 27, 2017 "Information
Clearing House"
- When Donald Trump’s
chief of staff Reince
Priebus addressed the
Conservative Political
Action Committee in
February, he identified
two priorities of the
administration: the
confirmation of Neil
Gorsuch to the Supreme
Court, and deregulation.
It turns out that
elevating Gorsuch to the
Supreme Court and
achieving deregulation
are inextricably linked.
During Gorsuch’s
confirmation hearing,
Democratic members of
the Senate Judiciary
Committee challenged him
on his pro-business
positions.
Minnesota Sen. Al
Franken pressed him on a
case—that of the
now-infamous “frozen
trucker”—in which the
judge reached what
Franken characterized as
an “absurd” result.
Alphonse Maddin was
driving a truck for
TransAm Trucking Inc. in
2009 when the brakes
froze on the trailer he
was hauling. The heater
inside the truck wasn’t
working, and the
temperature outside was
minus 27 below zero.
Maddin contacted his
employer, who arranged
for a repair unit to
come to Maddin’s
location. While waiting
for help to arrive,
Maddin nodded off. “I
awoke three hours later
to discover that I could
not feel my feet, my
skin was burning and
cracking, my speech was
slurred, and I was
having trouble
breathing,” he said at a
recent event in
Washington, D.C. When
Maddin stepped out of
the truck, he said he
“was on the verge of
passing out. I feared
that if I fell, I would
not have the strength to
stand up and would die.”
Maddin was exhibiting
symptoms of hypothermia.
He called his employer
again to report that he
was leaving to seek
shelter. His supervisor
ordered him “to either
drag the trailer [with
no brakes] or stay put.”
“In my opinion, clearly,
their cargo was more
important than my life,”
Maddin said.
Faced with defying his
employer’s order to
remain with his disabled
trailer or freezing to
death, Maddin chose to
unhitch the trailer and
drive his truck to
safety.
TransAm fired Maddin for
disobeying orders, and
he filed a complaint
with the Occupational
Safety and Health
Administration, an
agency of the Department
of Labor.
The operative statute in
this case forbids
employers from firing an
employee who “refuses to
operate a vehicle
because the employee has
a reasonable
apprehension of serious
injury to the employee
or the public.”
The Labor Department
found that TransAm had
violated the law,
concluding that the word
“operate” includes not
only driving, but also
“other uses of a vehicle
when it is within the
control of the
employee.” Maddin had
refused to operate his
vehicle in the manner
his employer had
ordered—with the trailer
hitched to the truck.
Of the seven judges who
ultimately ruled on the
case, Gorsuch was the
only one who voted to
uphold Maddin’s firing.
He decided that Maddin
did “operate” his
vehicle, which took him
outside the statutory
language that protects
an employee who refuses
to operate his vehicle.
What source did Gorsuch
consult to construe the
word “operate?” He
turned to the Oxford
English Dictionary,
refusing to defer to the
Department of Labor’s
broader interpretation
of the statute. Gorsuch
characterized “health
and safety” concerns as
“ephemeral and generic,”
writing, “After all,
what under the sun, at
least at some level of
generality, doesn’t
relate to ‘health and
safety’?”
In his dissent, Gorsuch,
who displayed a smooth,
compassionate persona
while testifying at his
hearing, described the
conditions Maddin faced
as merely “cold
weather.” He wrote that
for Maddin to sit and
wait for help to arrive
was an “unpleasant
option.”
Maddin’s lawyer, Robert
Fedder, told Democracy
Now!’s Amy Goodman that
during oral argument
before the appellate
panel, “Judge Gorsuch
was incredibly hostile.”
Fedder noted, “I’ve
litigated many cases in
appellate courts …
[Gorsuch] may have been
the most hostile judge
I’ve ever appeared
before.”
Maddin, who is
African-American, later
said, “The first thing I
noticed was that in his
opening reference [in
his dissent, Gorsuch]
simply called me a
trucker and didn’t use
my name.” Maddin told
The Guardian, “In my
heart of hearts, I felt
like he willfully tried
to negate the human
element of my case.”
At Gorsuch’s
confirmation hearing,
Illinois Sen. Dick
Durbin discussed
Maddin’s case with
Gorsuch, saying that the
temperature was minus 14
that night, “but not as
cold as your dissent.”
In Gorsuch’s dissenting
opinion, he refused to
defer to the Department
of Labor’s
interpretation of the
statutory language
regarding refusal to
operate. Gorsuch was, in
effect, refusing to
apply the
well-established
“Chevron deference.”
This doctrine requires
that when a law is
ambiguous, courts must
defer to an agency’s
reasonable construction
of the statute. Even the
late Supreme Court
Justice Antonin Scalia,
to whom Gorsuch is often
compared, thought that
agencies were in the
best position to
construe regulations
that inform their work.
If Gorsuch had his
druthers, he would do
away with Chevron
deference. In fact, he
stated as much in his
lengthy concurrence in
Gutierrez-Brizuela v.
Lynch, in which he
wrote, “Maybe the time
has come to face the
behemoth.”
Gorsuch would substitute
his own interpretation
for that of an agency.
But agencies are in the
best position to make
these determinations
about matters within
their purview.
In opposing Gorsuch’s
nomination to the high
court, the nonprofit
organization Alliance
for Justice wrote of the
dangers of
second-guessing agency
experts: “It is
difficult to overstate
the damage [Gorsuch’s]
position would cause.
Judge Gorsuch would tie
the hands of precisely
those entities that
Congress has recognized
have the depth and
experience to enforce
critical laws, safeguard
essential protections,
and ensure the safety of
the American people.”
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Courts that have given
deference to agency
interpretations ensured
essential protections,
including:
● deferring to the
National Labor Relations
Board’s reasonable
determination that
live-haul workers are
employees entitled to
protections of the
National Labor Relations
Act;
● deferring to the
Environmental Protection
Agency’s rule requiring
states to reduce
emissions from power
plants that travel
across state lines and
harm downwind states;
● deferring to the
Department of Labor’s
interpretation of
portions of the Black
Lung Benefits Act that
make it easier for coal
miners afflicted with
black lung disease to
receive compensation;
and
● deferring to the EPA’s
revision of regulations
under the Toxic
Substances Control Act
that provide more
protection from exposure
to lead paint.
But Gorsuch’s desire to
neuter agency
determinations dovetails
nicely with Trump’s
chief strategist Steve
Bannon’s goal of
“deconstruction of the
administrative state.”
The Trump administration
has issued several
orders that mandate
deregulation:
On Jan. 20, Priebus
directed agency heads to
refrain from sending new
regulations to the
Office of the Federal
Register until there are
administration officials
in place to approve
them.
On Jan. 24, Trump signed
a memo directing his
secretary of commerce to
review the ways in which
federal regulations
affect U.S.
manufacturers in order
to reduce as many of
them as possible.
On Jan. 30, Trump issued
an executive order
requiring the
mechanistic elimination
of two regulations for
every new one, and
capping spending on new
regulations during 2017
at zero.
On Feb. 3, Trump signed
an executive order
rolling back Dodd-Frank
regulations on Wall
Street. This will
increase the risk of
another dangerous
recession.
During the confirmation
hearing, Franken
confronted Gorsuch with
the confluence of his
confirmation to the
Supreme Court and the
deconstruction of the
administrative state
(deregulation), saying,
[F]or those who
subscribe to
President Trump’s
extreme view, [the
Chevron doctrine] is
the only thing
standing between
them and what the
President’s chief
strategist Steve
Bannon called the
‘deconstruction of
the administrative
state,’ which is
shorthand for
gutting any
environmental or
consumer protection
measure that gets in
the way of corporate
profit margins.
Speaking before a
gathering of
conservative
activists last
month, Mr. Bannon
explained that the
President’s
appointees were
selected to bring
about that
deconstruction, and
I suspect that your
nomination, given
your views, is part
of that strategy.
Deregulation serves the
interests of big
business, a key
conservative goal. When
questioned at his
hearing about what
ideology he would bring
to the court, Gorsuch
made the disingenuous
claim, “There’s no such
thing as a Republican
judge or a Democratic
judge. We just have
judges in this country.”
If that were true, why
are the Heritage
Foundation and the
Federalist Society so
keen on Gorsuch? He was
on a list prepared by
the two right-wing
groups from which Trump
dutifully selected his
Supreme Court nominee.
“The president
outsourced your
selection to far right,
big money interest
groups, and they have an
agenda. They’re
confident you share
their agenda. That’s why
they called you ‘a
nominee who understands
things like we do,’ ”
Vermont Sen. Patrick
Leahy told Gorsuch at
his hearing.
Why has $10 million in
“dark money” been spent
by anonymous
conservative donors to
buy Gorsuch a seat on
the high court, as Rhode
Island Sen. Sheldon
Whitehouse charged at
the hearing?
And why, as Whitehouse
added, was $7 million
expended on the
unprecedented, but
successful, campaign to
deny Barack Obama’s
nominee Merrick Garland
a hearing?
Gorsuch is a staunch,
longtime conservative
judge who, in spite of
his refusal to tip his
hand about his ideology,
has taken positions that
confirm his right-wing
bona fides.
When New York Sen. Chuck
Schumer announced he
would vote against
Gorsuch’s nomination, he
stated that Gorsuch had
ruled repeatedly for
employers and against
workers. Gorsuch “almost
instinctively favors the
powerful over the weak,”
Schumer said, adding,
“We do not want judges
with ice water in their
veins,” an apt analogy
in light of Gorsuch’s
dissent in the TransAm
case.
All Democratic senators
should filibuster the
nomination of Gorsuch
for associate justice of
the Supreme Court. His
right-wing ideology and
Bannon’s frightening
agenda would dismantle
important protections
and endanger us all.
Marjorie Cohn is
professor emerita at
Thomas Jefferson
School of Law where
she taught from
1991-2016, and a
former president of
the National Lawyers
Guild. She lectures,
writes, and provides
commentary for
local, regional,
national and
international media
outlets.
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