Trump Lets
Saudis Off His ‘Muslim Ban’
By leaving Saudi Arabia and other key terrorism sponsors
off his “Muslim ban,” President Trump shows the same
cowardice and dishonesty that infected the Bush and
Obama administrations.
By Robert Parry
January 30, 2017 "Information
Clearing House"
- "Consortium
News"
-
President Trump’s
ban against letting people from seven mostly Muslim
countries enter the United States looks to many like a
thinly concealed bias against a religion, but it also is
a troubling sign that Trump doesn’t have the nerve to
challenge the false terrorism narrative demanded by
Israel and Saudi Arabia.
The Israeli-Saudi
narrative, which is repeated endlessly inside Official
Washington, is that Iran is the principal sponsor of
terrorism when that dubious honor clearly falls to Saudi
Arabia, Qatar and other Sunni-led Muslim states,
including Pakistan, nations that did not make Trump’s
list.
The evidence of
who is funding and supporting most of the world’s
terrorism is overwhelming. All major terrorist groups
that have bedeviled the United States and the West over
the past couple of decades – from Al Qaeda to the
Taliban to Islamic State – can trace their roots back to
Sunni-led countries, particularly Saudi Arabia, Pakistan
and Qatar.
Privately, this
reality has been recognized by senior U.S. officials,
including former Vice President Joe Biden, former
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Trump’s National
Security Advisor Michael Flynn. But that knowledge has
failed to change U.S. policy, which caters to the
oil-rich Saudis and the politically powerful Israelis.
For instance,
in August 2012, the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency –
then headed by General Flynn –
warned that Salafists, the Muslim Brotherhood, and
Al Qaeda were “the major forces driving the insurgency”
against the largely secular government in Syria.
Flynn’s DIA
advised President Obama that rebels were trying to
establish a “Salafist principality in eastern Syria,”
and that “western countries, the gulf states, and Turkey
are supporting these efforts” to counter the supposed
Shiite threat to the region.
Hillary Clinton
also was aware of this reality, as the threat from the
head-chopping Islamic State – also known as ISIL or ISIS
– grew worse in summer 2014. In September 2014, the
former Secretary of State
wrote in an email that Saudi Arabia and Qatar were
“providing clandestine financial and logistic support to
ISIL and other radical Sunni groups.”
Later in 2014,
Vice President Joe Biden made the same point in a talk
at Harvard’s Kennedy School: “Our allies in the region
were our largest problem in Syria … the Saudis, the
emirates, etc. what were they doing? They were so
determined to take down Assad and essentially have a
proxy Sunni-Shia war, what did they do? They poured
hundreds of millions of dollars and tens of thousands of
tons of military weapons into anyone who would fight
against Assad, except the people who were being supplied
were Al Nusra and Al Qaeda and the extremist elements of
jihadis coming from other parts of the world.” [Quote
starts at 53:25.]
Known
But Unknown
So the truth
was known at senior levels of the Obama administration –
and now via National Security Advisor Flynn at the top
of the Trump administration – but the Israelis and the
Saudis don’t want that reality to shape U.S. foreign
policy. In other words, this truth about the real source
of terrorism was known but unknown.
Instead, Israel
demands that Washington share its hatred of the Lebanese
militant group, Hezbollah, a Shiite force that organized
in the 1980s to drive the invading Israeli army out of
southern Lebanon. Because Hezbollah dealt a rare defeat
to the Israeli Defense Force, Israel puts it at the top
of “terrorist” organizations. And, Hezbollah is
supported by Iran.
Saudi Arabia,
too, hates Iran because the Sunni-fundamentalist Saudi
monarchy considers Shia Islam heretical, a sectarian
conflict that dates back to the Seventh Century. So, the
Saudi government has viewed Sunni jihadists as the tip
of the spear against these Shiite rivals.
Israeli and
Saudi officials have even made clear that they would
prefer Al Qaeda or Islamic State to prevail in the
Syrian war rather than have the largely secular
government of President Bashar al-Assad survive because
they see his regime as part of a “Shiite crescent”
reaching from Tehran through Damascus to the Hezbollah
neighborhoods of Beirut.
In September
2013, Israel’s Ambassador to the United States Michael
Oren, a close adviser to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu, told the Jerusalem Post that Israel
favored the Sunni extremists over Assad.
“The greatest
danger to Israel is by the strategic arc that extends
from Tehran, to Damascus to Beirut. And we saw the Assad
regime as the keystone in that arc,” Oren said in
the interview. “We always wanted Bashar Assad to go,
we always preferred the bad guys who weren’t backed by
Iran to the bad guys who were backed by Iran.” He said
this was the case even if the “bad guys” were affiliated
with Al Qaeda.
And, in June
2014, speaking as a former ambassador at an Aspen
Institute conference, Oren expanded on his position,
saying Israel would even prefer a victory by the
brutal Islamic State over continuation of the
Iranian-backed Assad in Syria. “From Israel’s
perspective, if there’s got to be an evil that’s got to
prevail, let the Sunni evil prevail,” Oren said.
[For more on
this topic, see Consortiumnews.com’s “Israel,
Saudi Arabia and Terrorism.”]
The
West’s Worries
However, when
Americans and Europeans worry about terrorism, they are
talking about Al Qaeda and Islamic State, terror groups
led by Sunni extremists. Those are the groups that have
been responsible for bloody attacks on the United States
and Western Europe.
The absurdity
of Trump’s immigration ban is underscored by the fact
that it would not have kept out the 15 Saudi hijackers
dispatched by Al Qaeda to carry out the 9/11 attacks.
They came from the home country of Al Qaeda’s Saudi
founder Osama bin Laden.
Neither would
Trump’s ban have stopped Muhamed Atta, one of the 9/11
ringleaders who was from Egypt, another country ignored
by Trump, which also happens to be the original home of
Ayman al-Zawahiri, Al Qaeda’s current leader.
So, what
Trump’s initial foray into the complex issue of
terrorism has revealed is that he is unwilling to take
on the real nexus of terrorism, just as Presidents
George W. Bush and Barack Obama shied away from a clash
with Israel, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf sheikdoms.
In the first
week of Donald Trump’s presidency, the regional
interests of Israel and Saudi Arabia have continued to
dictate how Official Washington addresses terrorism.
Trump’s
seven-nation list includes Iran, Syria and Sudan as
state sponsors of terrorism and Iraq, Yemen, Somalia and
Libya as countries where there has been terrorist
activity. But the governments of Iran and Syria arguably
have become two of the leading fighters against the
terrorist groups of most concern to the U.S. and
European populations.
Iran is aiding
both Syria and Iraq in their conflicts with Al Qaeda and
Islamic State. Inside Syria, the Syrian army has borne
the brunt of that fighting against terror groups funded
and armed by Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, and – yes – at
least indirectly, the United States. Yet while none of
the Al Qaeda/Islamic State benefactors made Trump’s
list, Iran and Syria did.
In other words,
not only is Trump’s ban a blunderbuss blast at thousands
of innocent Muslims who have no intention of hurting the
United States but it doesn’t even take aim at the most
dangerous targets which represent a genuine terrorist
threat.
Trump’s ban is
really a twisted case of “political correctness”
purporting to reject “political correctness.” While
Trump claims to recognize that it is dangerously naïve
to let in Muslims when Islamic terrorism has remained a
threat to Americans, Trump has left off his list the
most likely sources of terrorists because – to do
otherwise – would have negative political consequences
in Official Washington.
By going after
Iran and Syria, in particular, Trump appears to be
currying favor with neoconservatives and liberal hawks
in Congress and across Official Washington. Perhaps, he
is simply hesitating while the Senate considers
confirmation of his choice for Secretary of State, Rex
Tillerson. The Senate also could reject other of his
foreign policy nominees.
But that is
exactly the kind of compromising that undermined any
attempts by President Obama to engineer a real change
from the “war of terror” strategy of George W. Bush.
Obama was so afraid of going against the Israelis and
the Saudis that he only altered U.S. policy on the
margins and let himself get dragged into
Israeli-Saudi-favored “regime change” adventures in
Syria and Yemen.
Dashed
or Delayed Hopes
When Trump
initially rebuffed the neocons and liberal hawks who
dominate Official Washington’s foreign establishment,
there was hope that he might at least try to hold Saudi
Arabia accountable as the chief sponsor of terrorism,
rather than to continue the Israeli-Saudi-imposed
narrative.
But to do so
carried political risks beyond offending the politically
potent Israelis who have forged a quiet alliance with
the wealthy Saudis. Trump would also have to recognize
the important role of Republican icon Ronald Reagan in
creating the terrorist threat.
After all, the
origins of the modern jihadist movement trace back to
the $1 billion-a-year collaboration between the Reagan
administration and the Saudi monarchy to support the
Afghan mujahedeen in their war against a secular
government in Kabul backed by the Soviet Union.
The extravagant
arming of these Afghan fundamentalists, who were
bolstered by international jihadists led by Osama bin
Laden, dealt a harsh blow to the Soviet forces and
ultimately led to the collapse of the secular regime in
Kabul, but the victory also paved the way for the rise
of the Taliban and Al Qaeda, blowback that hit the
United States on 9/11.
The U.S.
reaction to that shock never directly addressed how the
problem had originated and who the underlying culprits
were. Though George W. Bush’s administration did begin
by invading Afghanistan, the neoconservatives around him
quickly turned the U.S. retaliation against longstanding
Israeli targets, such as Iraq’s Saddam Hussein and
Syria’s Assad dynasty though they had nothing to do with
9/11.
The fiction
that these largely secular governments were responsible
for Islamic terrorism — and the mislabeling of Shia-ruled
Iran as the chief sponsor of such terrorism — have
remained the myths confusing the American people and
thus justifying continued U.S. support for the
Israeli-Saudi war against the “Shiite crescent.”
Trump, who is
heavily criticized for his inability to distinguish fact
from fantasy, could have displayed a brave commitment to
truth-telling if he had fashioned his counter-terrorism
policy to actually address the real sponsors of
terrorism. Instead, he chose to continue the lies that
the Israelis and Saudis insist that Official Washington
tell.
In doing so,
Trump is not only offending much of the world and
alienating countries that are at the forefront of the
fight against the worst terrorist threats, but he is
continuing to shield the key regimes that have
perpetuated the scourge of terrorism.
Investigative reporter Robert Parry broke many of the
Iran-Contra stories for The Associated Press and
Newsweek in the 1980s. You can buy his latest book,
America’s Stolen
Narrative, either in print
here or as an e-book (from
Amazon and
barnesandnoble.com).
The views
expressed in this article are solely those of the author
and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of
Information Clearing House. |