Mayday! Post-Brexit
Britain Courts Gulf Despots
By Finian Cunningham
December 09, 2016
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Britain’s post-Brexit economic outlook uncertain, Prime
Minister Theresa May was doing her best this week to
drum up trade prospects in the Persian Gulf. But her
assiduous courting of the monarchs and emirs in what is
perhaps the most despotic region in the world spells,
ironically, a Mayday distress signal for an
intensification of conflict and human rights violations.
May, who took over from the ill-fated
David Cameron following Britain’s shock referendum vote
to quit the European Union in June, was attending the 37th
annual summit of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). She
was reportedly the
first woman to ever address the GCC whose member states
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab
Emirates and Oman are all ruled by unelected,
self-styled monarchs with appalling human rights
records. This year’s summit was held in Bahrain, which
like the other GCC member states is a former British
colonial territory.
There seems little doubt that Britain is
gearing up to maximize business ties with the Gulf. The
push is given added impetus following the Brexit result
and Britain’s forthcoming exclusion from the European
single market. Britain’s touting for more business in
the Gulf is apiece with similar unctuous overtures to
US president-elect Donald Trump. Falling off the EU
cliff, Britain needs to quickly find bilateral trade
safety nets in other parts of the world. And it looks
like Britain is desperately seeking to return to its old
colonial patch in the Persian Gulf as compensation for
breaking with the EU bloc.
One pointer to British fervor is the
stepped up frequency of official visits. In October,
Bahrain’s King Hamad Al Khalifa was hosted by Britain’s
Queen Elizabeth during a state visit to the United
Kingdom. The following month, November, Britain’s heir
to the throne Prince Charles returned the compliments
while in Bahrain on a regional tour. Now this month, UK
premier Theresa May was again greeting the monarchial
rulers of Bahrain and the other Gulf states at the GCC
summit.
According to the BBC, the British
government is counting on
doubling its trade with the oil-rich region to around
£30 billion ($38 billion) over the next five years.
«Gulf security is our security, your
prosperity is our prosperity», said May in obsequious
tones to the assembled Gulf leaders in Bahraini capital
Manama this week.
To this end, Britain is rapidly scaling
up its military-security presence in the region in what
seems to be a throwback to the heyday of its colonial
pretensions. Last month, Prince Charles opened a
new naval base in Bahrain, the first permanent such
facility since the island gained nominal independence in
1971. The base is also the first military installation
to be established by Britain east of the Suez Canal
since 1971.
While in Bahrain this week, May reportedly «promised
Britain would step up its security commitment to the
region». She unveiled plans for British military staff
to be newly posted in Dubai «to coordinate regional
security»; and for the opening of a training base on the
territory of Oman.
What is at stake here are huge arms
export orders for Britain to the Gulf. In the last year
alone, Britain sold some
$4 billion in weapons to Saudi Arabia. Similar sums are
pending for further British arms sales to the other GCC
states.
Theresa May told the Gulf autocrats that
«a post-Brexit Britain would not abandon the Middle
East».
It is hard to overstate the utter
cynicism in the British prime minister’s honeyed words.
Her grubby touting for business opportunities is made to
seem like a virtuous act by Britain of affording
«protection».
This is classic British colonial-speak.
When Britain imposed «protectorate» status on the Gulf,
for example in Bahrain in 1861, it had nothing to do
with protecting the people of the region. It was all
about protecting British imperialist trade and other
interests along the vital maritime route to India –
Britain’s colonial jewel in its crown. An essential part
of this British «protection» was to install despotic
rulers like the Khalifas in Bahrain and the House of
Saud in Saudi Arabia to suppress any democratic uprising
by the indigenous peoples. Playing on sectarian tensions
between Sunni and Shia muslims was a major instrument of
Britain’s colonial control, just as playing on tensions
between Christian, ethnic and tribal sects were in other
parts of the British empire.
This week, the London government was
reprising the best of British cynicism when premier May
«assured» Gulf rulers that Britain would not be
abandoning them.
She talked about
the shared threat of «terrorism» – without the slightest
hint of shame that the scourge of jihadist extremism has
been sponsored and fomented by her Gulf hosts as well as
by her own military intelligence agencies as a matter of
covert policy in order to destabilize the Middle East
for regime change. The nearly six-year war in Syria is
the evil fruit of British-Gulf machinations to overthrow
the Assad government, along with the intrigue of
Washington, Paris and Ankara.
The gaffe-prone British foreign secretary
Boris Johnson gave a partial admission this week when
he reportedly let
it slip that Saudi Arabia was guilty of pursuing proxy
wars and acting as a sectarian «puppeteer». With typical
British conceit, however, Johnson omitted to say that it
was Britain that tutored the Saudis in these nefarious
ways.
Theresa May also said she
was «clear-eyed» about the threat to regional stability
posed, allegedly, by Iran. She accused Iran of
«aggressive actions» in Syria because it supported the
Assad government, and of inciting conflict in Iraq,
Yemen, Lebanon and within the Gulf states. If rule of
law were to truly apply internationally, May should be
prosecuted for making such provocative statements and
recklessly stoking conflict.
This is incredible hypocrisy from a
British leader whose country is supplying Saudi Arabia
with warplanes, bombs and logistics to commit slaughter
against civilians in Yemen; and whose country was
responsible for an illegal war of occupation in Iraq
resulting in the death of over one million people since
2003, which bequeathed a legacy of fanatical terrorism
contaminating the entire region.
With stupefying cynicism, May claimed
that she would address human rights concerns with her
Gulf hosts. There was no outward sign that she actually
did so while in Bahrain this week. To expect otherwise
would be a feat of naivety.
Ever since the Arab Spring protests that
erupted in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain in 2011, British
governments have routinely whitewashed the litany of
systematic violations in these countries, where
thousands of pro-democracy protesters have been
imprisoned without trial, tortured, maimed and killed by
regime forces, armed and sometimes directed by the
British state. Amnesty International recently accused Britain
of being «completely disingenuous» in its official
claims of concern over human rights in the Gulf.
Indeed, Britain’s pandering to the Gulf’s
autocratic regimes is set to increase in the wake of its
decision to depart from the European Union. As Britain’s
economy faces an insecure future exacerbated by Brexit,
there is evidently a strategic move to court new trade
and investment in the Gulf.
In pursuit of that objective, Britain is
playing time-worn colonial cards of talking up «security
threats» in the region while boosting arms to its
despotic regimes. In the real world, as opposed to
official British rhetoric, that will mean more
repression within these regimes and very possibly more
sectarian conflict between regional states. The British
puppeteer is back with a vengeance.
Theresa May said Britain «won’t be
abandoning the Middle East». Mayday, Mayday! For many
sane people, the heart-felt wish is that Britain would
do just that. That is, to get out and – for once – leave
those nations to develop in peace.
Finian
Cunningham, Former editor and writer for major news
media organizations. He has written extensively on
international affairs, with articles published in
several languages
The views
expressed in this article are the author's own and do
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